Today I had the opportunity to interview Joice Aragao de Jesus the national coordinator of the Policy for Total Attention to People Who Suffer from Falciform Diseases. She gave a very informative interview at her house in Rio de Janeiro about the subtlety of institutional racism in Brazil.
About six or seven years ago, there weren't any programs in Rio de Janeiro to address the treatment of people who suffered from sickle cell anemia. People would die because of lack of treatment. The reason programs were made was because of a favorable political moment when Benedita da Silva, a black woman, became governer of Rio. Now there are programs in Bahia and Rio which aim to diagnose the disease.
Aragao gave a variety of examples of proof that racial democracy does not exist in Brazil. Discrmination occurs by not looking at the differences between Black and white people. Stereotypes are internalized and people often ask her if she is nurse because there are such few Black doctors, especially women. She has to clarify that she is indeed a doctor. On the job she has noticed that doctors speak differently to Black women. Through the hospital walls, Aragao can tell by the tone of the doctor whether he is talking to a Black woman or a white woman. Black women are often given less anesthesia while giving birth.
Black activists have struggled to gain equal access to health care for Afro-Brazilians. Yet opponents claim that "special" programs are not needed because everyone in Brazil is Black or has some Black ancestry. She also mentioned that it is difficult to know the exact number of Black people who need health care because of the tendency to whiten oneself. Without exact numbers, it is difficult for people in the medical profession to know what type of health problems Black people are dealing with.
In August 2004, a group from the health ministry held a forum on the health care issues of the Afro-Brazilian population. A committee was formed and created a resolution on a health care policy for Afro-Brazilians.
Friday, March 30, 2007
Conflicts of Interest at Confenen
Confenen , or Confederacao Nacional dos Estabelecimentos de Ensino is an association of Private Schools that has filed an Concentrated action at the supreme court, in attempt to Rio de Janeiro’s state law mandating quotas declared unconstitutional. Professor Texiera had another obligation, so we met with their Pubic Relations specialist.
It seemed no accident that they chose a person of African descent to be the public face of the Cofenen’s opposition to Rio de Janeiro’s three-year-old state law mandating quotas in Universities. With straight hair, and medium brown skin, he might have been labeled as pardo in some circles, and the ultimate authority on blackness – the police – would probably not have identified him as such. However, he immediately identified himself as black, as if this would strengthen the Cofenen’s anti-affirmative action stance. This was eerily reminiscent of Ward Connerly as the face of a very well funded anti-affirmative action (and, in my opinion, anti-Black) campaign. As our conversation grew more involved, it be came clear that our host was somewhat conflicted. But what was he to do? Good jobs are hard to come by, and he has a family to support.
Our meeting revealed an even more telling conflict of interest. Professor Texiera, who was unable to make our meeting, owns over 20 private schools in Rio de Janeiro. The new affirmative action law requires that 20% of the seats be reserved for people of African decent, 20% for people who attended public schools, and 5% for people with disabilities. Essentially 40 – 45% of the student body will be students who have limited (or no) financial resources. I was left speculating that perhaps the Cofenen’s stance is largely that of Professor Texiera, who has a monetary interest in making sure that quotas don’t limit the number of fee paying students in the schools that he owns. Is he interested in the Brazilian constitution or his own bottom line?
It seemed no accident that they chose a person of African descent to be the public face of the Cofenen’s opposition to Rio de Janeiro’s three-year-old state law mandating quotas in Universities. With straight hair, and medium brown skin, he might have been labeled as pardo in some circles, and the ultimate authority on blackness – the police – would probably not have identified him as such. However, he immediately identified himself as black, as if this would strengthen the Cofenen’s anti-affirmative action stance. This was eerily reminiscent of Ward Connerly as the face of a very well funded anti-affirmative action (and, in my opinion, anti-Black) campaign. As our conversation grew more involved, it be came clear that our host was somewhat conflicted. But what was he to do? Good jobs are hard to come by, and he has a family to support.
Our meeting revealed an even more telling conflict of interest. Professor Texiera, who was unable to make our meeting, owns over 20 private schools in Rio de Janeiro. The new affirmative action law requires that 20% of the seats be reserved for people of African decent, 20% for people who attended public schools, and 5% for people with disabilities. Essentially 40 – 45% of the student body will be students who have limited (or no) financial resources. I was left speculating that perhaps the Cofenen’s stance is largely that of Professor Texiera, who has a monetary interest in making sure that quotas don’t limit the number of fee paying students in the schools that he owns. Is he interested in the Brazilian constitution or his own bottom line?
It is our destiny to fight
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| Health Secretaria |
In Brazil a similar phenomenon is occurring but with deeper implications. Today we met with Joice Aragao who is a National Coordinator in the Public Health Ministry in Brazil. In our meeting she discussed how sickle cell (for falsiform disease) is only now being researched and discussed in Brazil. She discussed how the ideology of racial democracy made if difficult to do race conscious Public Health research because it was considered bad form to categorize according to race. Further she argued that her generation of race conscious black doctors helped and continues to push the dialogue on race by showing how race consciousness is helpful and in some cases vital to good Public Health research, in general, and black empowerment, specifically.
However her story means something different and profound in a country like Brazil where blacks are struggling to find a unified identity. This story shows how race is not simply something that is socially constructed and therefore not worthy of attention. This story can be a vehicle through which Afro Brazilians can find a common thread that links them to each other. Now instead of arguing that race is just a skin color Afro Brazilians can say that this disease impacts “us” and therefore “we” need to struggle together to fix it.
Thursday, March 29, 2007
After today, I’m certain that matter what else happens on this trip, It will have been well worth it. Today I had a chance to (as Professor Crenshaw put it to literally sit at the feet of greatness. We attended a talk and reception with Abdias Nascimento, an artist, poet, filmmaker, and the father of the black movement in Brazil, a living legend, a veteran of the movimento negro who, at 93 years old, has never laid down the fight. Nascimento is one of those souls who is larger than life – the idea of meeting him in living color seemed all but unfathomable. I sat and listened to him speak (in Portuguese) about decades of struggle, about hope and about Black pride - even pride in being the descendants of slaves. “Imagine, he said, how much we would have accomplished if we had not been slaves!” He spoke truth the continued suffering of Black People, without a hint of despair. Most of all, he spoke with a heart full of love for Black people, and it was a love that actually had room for Blackwomen.
I have to admit it – I cried. I’m not sure why today was so very emotional for me. I don’t even understand much Portuguese, and I couldn’t hear the translator that sat with our group to help us understand. I think there is an understanding that goes beyond words. Just a few minutes before the talk began, I tried out my Portuguese with a man outside the building. I admitted to him that I did not really understand all of his words - but that I understood his heart.
In the Presence of Greatness
Today we me Abdias Nascimento who is truly a legend in the Black movement in Brazil and his life’s work makes him a icon world wide. Nascimento was born in 1914 and soon began to paint African influenced art and write plays. From this art grew a consciousness and pride in being black that led him to black activism and organizing during the military dictatorship in Brazil. Eventually he was exiled from the country for his criticism of white supremacy and racism. Upon being exiled Nascimento moved to the US and began working with scholars and activist to continue to critique white supremacy and racism. When the regime fell Nascimento returned to Brazil and was elected to office several times. At 93 years old this man’s life and experiences defy comparison. Although in many ways he was like WEB Dubois ie intellectual, long life and exile, Dubois was never elected to office and was never an artist. Some might say Paul Roberson but Nascimento was much more successful in his courageous political stances. He is in a category by himself.
The first thing I noticed about Nascimento was that despite his age and ailments he is still extremely insightful, controversial, witty and dedicated to the struggle of black freedom. Nascimento spoke about how there is so much to be done to ensure the recognition of black humanity but that the shadow of death was upon him. From this I drew two important conclusions. First, that our generation must continue to struggle that Nascimento’s generation started. Second, that despite the great leadership and voices in Brazil on the issue of Black empowerment there is very little media coverage. Who would Martine Luther King Jr. or Malcolm X be without television coverage and audio recording. The Brazilian media is stifling the movement by not giving coverage to neither the movement's leaders nor legends.
The first thing I noticed about Nascimento was that despite his age and ailments he is still extremely insightful, controversial, witty and dedicated to the struggle of black freedom. Nascimento spoke about how there is so much to be done to ensure the recognition of black humanity but that the shadow of death was upon him. From this I drew two important conclusions. First, that our generation must continue to struggle that Nascimento’s generation started. Second, that despite the great leadership and voices in Brazil on the issue of Black empowerment there is very little media coverage. Who would Martine Luther King Jr. or Malcolm X be without television coverage and audio recording. The Brazilian media is stifling the movement by not giving coverage to neither the movement's leaders nor legends.
George Bush Likes Black People?
Well, at least in Brazil. On Thursday we met with a representative of the Fulbright Program which is housed at PUC-Rio. During our discussion, we discovered that the U.S. State department initiated a pilot program designed to promote opportunities for Afro-Brazilians. The program, entitled College Horizons, has as its objective to get students who would otherwise not go to college into colleges, either in Brazil or abroad.
This program, which is explicitly race conscious at the behest of the U.S. State Department, was initiated after a survey of Latin American countries found that Brazil had the greatest anti-U.S. sentiment. This sentiment is emerging at the same time Brazil is rising in terms of its regional and strategic importance to the U.S. As a result, the goal of this program is to expose Brazil's Black majority, or “vulnerable” populations, to U.S. values and to facilitate the development of a positive view of the U.S.
This discovery prompted for me an interesting reflection on Derrick Bell's interest convergence theory. Here when it serves the interests of the U.S., race conscious remedies are acceptable and the interests of racial justice can be promoted, albeit marginally. However, in the context of the U.S., where white interests are not served by racial justice, the rhetoric of the dominant majority falls back on "merit" and "colorblindness." Thus, this further demonstrates that these so called principles are merely tools to preserve white supremacy by insulating the government from any obligation to disrupt racial inequality by segregating race as an illegitimate subject to discuss publicly. This contradiction, for me, is additional conformation that the rhetoric of merit and colorblindness is not principled, but practical. What ever is clever in the service of white interests.
"Merit" and "Disadvantage" defined based on white standards?
Merit is also quite present in the standards for university admission generally in Brazil, which informs much of the backlash against affirmative action, as well as in the various programs offered by Fulbright. One of the interesting things we discussed is the vestibular, a standardized test used for university admission in Brazil, and whether it actually measures academic potential. We found that very few people could tell us whether the vestibular correlated to academic and professional success.
Even when other factors, such as socio-economic status are taken into account, as they are by the Fulbright program, there seems to be an implicit preference for whiteness. Additonal socio-economic factors, like the vestibular, seem to track white, rather than Black experiences of poverty. Although there is a recognition that urban (read: Black) and rural (read: white) poverty are different and present unique challenges regarding opportunity, this is not taken into consideration. This seems to suggest that race is implicitly taken into account because of the fact that a white experience of poverty is privileged over the Black experience of poverty. As a result, it is unsurprising to find that in programs where socio-economic status is ostensibly taken into account, in a country where most of the poor are Black, that nearly all of the participants are white.
This program, which is explicitly race conscious at the behest of the U.S. State Department, was initiated after a survey of Latin American countries found that Brazil had the greatest anti-U.S. sentiment. This sentiment is emerging at the same time Brazil is rising in terms of its regional and strategic importance to the U.S. As a result, the goal of this program is to expose Brazil's Black majority, or “vulnerable” populations, to U.S. values and to facilitate the development of a positive view of the U.S.
This discovery prompted for me an interesting reflection on Derrick Bell's interest convergence theory. Here when it serves the interests of the U.S., race conscious remedies are acceptable and the interests of racial justice can be promoted, albeit marginally. However, in the context of the U.S., where white interests are not served by racial justice, the rhetoric of the dominant majority falls back on "merit" and "colorblindness." Thus, this further demonstrates that these so called principles are merely tools to preserve white supremacy by insulating the government from any obligation to disrupt racial inequality by segregating race as an illegitimate subject to discuss publicly. This contradiction, for me, is additional conformation that the rhetoric of merit and colorblindness is not principled, but practical. What ever is clever in the service of white interests.
"Merit" and "Disadvantage" defined based on white standards?
Merit is also quite present in the standards for university admission generally in Brazil, which informs much of the backlash against affirmative action, as well as in the various programs offered by Fulbright. One of the interesting things we discussed is the vestibular, a standardized test used for university admission in Brazil, and whether it actually measures academic potential. We found that very few people could tell us whether the vestibular correlated to academic and professional success.
Even when other factors, such as socio-economic status are taken into account, as they are by the Fulbright program, there seems to be an implicit preference for whiteness. Additonal socio-economic factors, like the vestibular, seem to track white, rather than Black experiences of poverty. Although there is a recognition that urban (read: Black) and rural (read: white) poverty are different and present unique challenges regarding opportunity, this is not taken into consideration. This seems to suggest that race is implicitly taken into account because of the fact that a white experience of poverty is privileged over the Black experience of poverty. As a result, it is unsurprising to find that in programs where socio-economic status is ostensibly taken into account, in a country where most of the poor are Black, that nearly all of the participants are white.
Younger Deeper Wider
Today we had an extremely informative session with a representative from Fullbright Brazil, which is a binational organization dedicated to improving the foreign relations and exchanges between the US and Brazil. They accomplish this goal through education abroad scholarship programs. They are a host of individual programs that Fulbright sponsors which aid underprivileged and underrepresented people in Brazil that have demonstrated academic excellence and leadership skills. Many of the scholarship programs are partially funded by the US state department. The goals of the state department are to revive the image of the US in Brazil which at one point recently had one of the lowest levels of approval of the US of any other country. The US accomplishes this goal by helping to fund underprivileged students to study in te US for free. This goal is called younger, deeper, wider. Many of the programs however, rely on the vestibular which is a merit based test much like the SAT. The difference however is the vestibular is based on subjects explicitly taught in Brazilian schools. However, there is a huge gap between the quality of education in K-12 public schools and private schools such that many of the Brazilian elite send their children to private schools. The college system is very different because public colleges are all free and tend to be the best schools. So, many of the students who go to public schools in K-12 are not competitive on the vestibular and consequently either do not go to college or go to lower quality over expensive private college. Like the SAT the vestibular tracks wealth as much as it tracks academic excellence as a result it serves as a gatekeeper.
The US policy on interaction from the US to Brazil however is incongruent. They tend to take US college students and not high school students and have little or no concern for underprivileged status. Its seems to me that if the goal is to strengthen the US image in Brazil then it makes sense to allow underprivileged students in the US to come to Brazil where they can dispel myths about widespread America wealth and elitism
The US policy on interaction from the US to Brazil however is incongruent. They tend to take US college students and not high school students and have little or no concern for underprivileged status. Its seems to me that if the goal is to strengthen the US image in Brazil then it makes sense to allow underprivileged students in the US to come to Brazil where they can dispel myths about widespread America wealth and elitism
A Band-Aid on a bullet wound?
Today, Na'Shaun and I interviewed Sra. Dulce Mendes Vasconellos, who has had a long career in education, including decades of providing support for vestibular preparation to afro-Brazilian students. Sra Vasconellos has been helping prepare Black students to successfully take the Vestibular since 1977.
She does not accept the idea that the vestibular is a fair or accurate measure of merit, but does understand that it does not seem to be going away anytime soon. She has created successful students, many of whom have returned to teach young people to take the entrance exam.
Sra Vasconellos no longer focuses primarily on preparing students for success on the vestibular. She has shifted her focus to the gross differences in access to quality elementary and secondary education. Sra Vasconellos became coordinator of Rio de Janeiro schools – and discovered that even the crowded public high schools were primarily available only to the best of students. In 2000 – 2002, while she was the state superintendent, Sra. Vasconellos ad to create 36 schools just to make enough room to accommodate all the students through 9th grade [public education is compulsory through 9th grade, but there were not enough schools to provide that education] in the CITY of Rio de Janeiro. (Imagine the access problems in areas outside the city!) Most of the room in the schools that do have spaces are for students to attend night school. This is complicated by the fact that one must to be 15 years old (beyond average 9th grade age) to be eligible for night school. This is not to mention the fact that it might be dangerous for kids to be in the streets trying to get to and from school in some areas of the city.
Our conversation left me wondering - is Affirmative Action in University education a mere band-aid on a bullet wound - a small patch that covers but does not heal he real injury? I think that activist in the US and the Brazilian contexts have to be mindful of the fact that even though both proponents an opponents of Affirmative action acknowledge the problem with public elementary and secondary education, the opponents of affirmative action who ground their opposition in an assertion that the real problem is K-12 education have done nothing to fix it, and the proponents seem to have directed our energy to defending affirmative action, perhaps to the detriment of pushing for an affirmative right to adequate elementary and secondary education.
She does not accept the idea that the vestibular is a fair or accurate measure of merit, but does understand that it does not seem to be going away anytime soon. She has created successful students, many of whom have returned to teach young people to take the entrance exam.
Sra Vasconellos no longer focuses primarily on preparing students for success on the vestibular. She has shifted her focus to the gross differences in access to quality elementary and secondary education. Sra Vasconellos became coordinator of Rio de Janeiro schools – and discovered that even the crowded public high schools were primarily available only to the best of students. In 2000 – 2002, while she was the state superintendent, Sra. Vasconellos ad to create 36 schools just to make enough room to accommodate all the students through 9th grade [public education is compulsory through 9th grade, but there were not enough schools to provide that education] in the CITY of Rio de Janeiro. (Imagine the access problems in areas outside the city!) Most of the room in the schools that do have spaces are for students to attend night school. This is complicated by the fact that one must to be 15 years old (beyond average 9th grade age) to be eligible for night school. This is not to mention the fact that it might be dangerous for kids to be in the streets trying to get to and from school in some areas of the city.
Our conversation left me wondering - is Affirmative Action in University education a mere band-aid on a bullet wound - a small patch that covers but does not heal he real injury? I think that activist in the US and the Brazilian contexts have to be mindful of the fact that even though both proponents an opponents of Affirmative action acknowledge the problem with public elementary and secondary education, the opponents of affirmative action who ground their opposition in an assertion that the real problem is K-12 education have done nothing to fix it, and the proponents seem to have directed our energy to defending affirmative action, perhaps to the detriment of pushing for an affirmative right to adequate elementary and secondary education.
Dangerous Change
Today we visited Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) , which does not use any form of affirmative action and, as we were told in advance, the discussion of affirmative action, specifically of quotas was to be off limits in this interview. Sr. Luis Octavio however, was very forthcoming and willing to talk about the issue. He also provided us with some rich data. We are very grateful for his generosity.
A walk around the well appointed campus felt like a visit to an oasis. We could not help but notice the immaculate grounds, the marble floors, and the botanical gardens that seamlessly blended the indoor and outdoor spaces. The difference between the UFRJ campus and the UERJ (Rio’s State public university) is was stark. Most notable to us however was the dearth of black and brown students on the UFRJ campus.
A walk around the well appointed campus felt like a visit to an oasis. We could not help but notice the immaculate grounds, the marble floors, and the botanical gardens that seamlessly blended the indoor and outdoor spaces. The difference between the UFRJ campus and the UERJ (Rio’s State public university) is was stark. Most notable to us however was the dearth of black and brown students on the UFRJ campus.
I asked Professor Octavio what he thought about UFRJ’s policy, and if it ought to be changed. He acknowledges that this is the subject of ongoing debate in the administration but asserted:
“I think change is dangerous. We have a process that works. Our university has some traditions, and we are conservative about change.”
Such a change would have to be decided upon by the CEG (Counselo de Ehsino de Graduaçao), a counsel made up primarily of faculty, with some input from students and technical administrative staff.
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| UFRJ |
PUC is Communitaria?
Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC - Rio) - current home of PUC’s esteemed Fulbright Chair, our own Professor Crenshaw.
PUC is Communitaria! This is the mantra and motto of PUC, and seemed to be one that the Vice-Rector, a PUC alumna, took seriously and personally.
"We are all equal at PUC. We forgot the color of people. The differences between races are very rich. Diversity is important, but we must live on equal grounds."
During our meeting, we discussed the various forms of grant aid available to provide support for students in paying the pricey tuition and other costs related to attending PUC. Various need based and talent (academic, sports, performing arts, etc) scholarships are available to support PUC’s Mission of “Improving the quality of life” for the whole community. The racial / ethnic background of the applicant is not ever considered.
I was surprised a the extent to which the justifications for these programs were based, at least in part, on the benefits of diversity, and having different students live, work, study, and socialize together. This vision bore an uncanny resemblance to our discussions of the benefits of “robust exchange.” However, when we asked if it might therefore be a good idea to consider the race of the applicants we were told: “We are all equal at PUC. We forgot the color of people. The differences between races are very rich. Diversity is important, but we must live on equal grounds.” I wish I had been better able to understand the nuance of that that meant. I am left wondering if she was expressing a belief that that considering race would mean selecting and supporting students who were somehow less than equal to the others?
Racial Categories on Applications = Deviation from Merit?
Knee-Jerk Reactions to Race Consciousness
When we met with the Fulbright representative, I was struck by how many of the program participants were white. I asked if a racial background question is included on the application. Her response was that there was no race question because "merit is very important." I had not brought up affirmative action or anything of the sort. I had only asked if there was any data on the racial background of Brazilian students who had gone through the Fulbright program. It was amazing how reflexively merit rhetoric was deployed. Perhaps this is because program administrators know that keeping racial data will reveal race-based disparities. Paradoxically, she described a certain test (for a prep school I believe) where it counts in your favor if your parent teaches at the school. How can this be justified as reflective of merit? According to the representative, it is because those students then have a vested interest in seeing the school’s reputation rise. In other words, these students will supposedly work harder. I wonder though if this is not bordering on a cultural and even biological understanding of what constitutes an accurate predictor of achievement.
In response to Priscilla's question regarding urban/black v. rural/white poverty, the representative told us that the former was more violent. Earlier in the meeting, she had mentioned that resourcefulness is something they look for in an applicant, as they will be in a new country and have to learn the ropes quickly. Would it not then make sense to distinguish between the two types of poverty as a way to promote merit -- I would assume that one has to be more resourceful to make it through the application process coming from a poor urban zone as opposed to a poor rural zone.
Knee-Jerk Reactions to Race Consciousness
When we met with the Fulbright representative, I was struck by how many of the program participants were white. I asked if a racial background question is included on the application. Her response was that there was no race question because "merit is very important." I had not brought up affirmative action or anything of the sort. I had only asked if there was any data on the racial background of Brazilian students who had gone through the Fulbright program. It was amazing how reflexively merit rhetoric was deployed. Perhaps this is because program administrators know that keeping racial data will reveal race-based disparities. Paradoxically, she described a certain test (for a prep school I believe) where it counts in your favor if your parent teaches at the school. How can this be justified as reflective of merit? According to the representative, it is because those students then have a vested interest in seeing the school’s reputation rise. In other words, these students will supposedly work harder. I wonder though if this is not bordering on a cultural and even biological understanding of what constitutes an accurate predictor of achievement.
In response to Priscilla's question regarding urban/black v. rural/white poverty, the representative told us that the former was more violent. Earlier in the meeting, she had mentioned that resourcefulness is something they look for in an applicant, as they will be in a new country and have to learn the ropes quickly. Would it not then make sense to distinguish between the two types of poverty as a way to promote merit -- I would assume that one has to be more resourceful to make it through the application process coming from a poor urban zone as opposed to a poor rural zone.
Wednesday, March 28, 2007
Attention to Women
Today we had interviews with CEDIM (State Council for Women's Rights) and CIAM (Integrated Center for Female Care). The Black movement in Brazil started getting stronger in the 1990s and created a space for health issues. For example, sickle cell anemia affects mostly Blacks. Black women are working to get the local government of Rio de Janeiro to make a health program tailored for Black women.
In the 1980's the Black Movement held a number of demonstrations on the street. This was the most effective method of gaining rights. This led to the creation of counsels for Black women’s rights and the police station for women who are victims of domestic violence. (The police stations are not just for Black women, but mostly Black women go to them).
Women who are attacked or discriminated against can go to CEDIM and CIAM for help. The women can be directed to partners who will assist them in finding shelter or with their health needs. There is no referral fee. The service is a right because the women pay taxes.
The last place we visited was a police station especially for women. The idea behind the police station is to provide services to women who have been through domestic violence, have been raped, attacked or discriminated against. The police station offered psychological services and legal assistance. There was a small cell at the end of the hallway. Although this women's police station is not specifically for Black women we were told that they serve a large number of Afro-Brazilian women. One thing that we noticed is that in the childcare area, we only saw white dolls. This is another demonstration of the preference for whiteness that is prevalent in Brazil.
In the 1980's the Black Movement held a number of demonstrations on the street. This was the most effective method of gaining rights. This led to the creation of counsels for Black women’s rights and the police station for women who are victims of domestic violence. (The police stations are not just for Black women, but mostly Black women go to them).
Women who are attacked or discriminated against can go to CEDIM and CIAM for help. The women can be directed to partners who will assist them in finding shelter or with their health needs. There is no referral fee. The service is a right because the women pay taxes.
The last place we visited was a police station especially for women. The idea behind the police station is to provide services to women who have been through domestic violence, have been raped, attacked or discriminated against. The police station offered psychological services and legal assistance. There was a small cell at the end of the hallway. Although this women's police station is not specifically for Black women we were told that they serve a large number of Afro-Brazilian women. One thing that we noticed is that in the childcare area, we only saw white dolls. This is another demonstration of the preference for whiteness that is prevalent in Brazil.
Social Interaction Justifies Brazil’s Racial Democracy Questioned?
Today, we woke up to discuss our plans for the day and we decided to do observations on the beach since we did not have an appointment until 3pm. We decided to go to the tourist friednly beach. This was my second trip to the beach in Rio. The first trip, I walked around with Pete and Alex. While we walked around, I notice a lot of starring at us. In the back of my head, I thought this was because Alex, was a white woman, and Pete and I were Black. However, I dismissed this idea and said they were looking at us because we are American. Today, I wondered if it would be the same. As the we walked to the beach, I did not the same attention as the previous day. However it was not as pervasive as the previous day, and I wonder if that had much to do with the fact it was Melissa, a Latina, that would be considered a Branca in Brazil and myself. Overall, this observation leads me to question the validity of the social interaction as way to showcase racism does not exist in Brazil. I wonder if by the end of trip, I will be able to under the way social interaction between races works to negate or supports racism in Brazil. From first glance, I think that social interaction amongst races is not as prevelant as projected, and if even if it is I believe that this social interaction rates amongst races is higher amongst lighter people compared light and dark skin individuals. I think this may be the case given my observations occured during a tourist district, in which locals would be most likely be see the exposed to highest interactions of various racial groups, thus the appearance of black man and non-black woman should not be surprise, if social interaction is very prevelant.
Tuesday, March 27, 2007
Afro-Brazilian Student's Perspective on Affirmative Action
Today we attended a conference on affirmative action in which panelists spoke about racism in Brazil and compared it to the US. Only one Black woman spoke and after she left it became an all white panel. It did not seem to me that the white panelists were capturing the experiences of Afro-Brazilians but luckily I had the opportunity to have a conversation with some of the students from PUC (Pontificia Universidade Catolica). After the conference I met a young Black woman named Helen who is involved in the Black student movement at PUC Rio. Through my conversations with the students I found that opponents of affirmative action use the same discourse. Helen told me that very little is taught about Black history or Black resistance to oppression. The lack of opportunity for Afro-Brazilians is inherited intergenerationally. When Helen's mother was a child, she wanted to be a doctor but her teachers told her that only manual labor was for Blacks. Helen's mother internalized this message, which became a barrier to obtaining an education.
Another barrier to obtaining an education is the fact that many Afro-Brazilians who are not associated with the Black Movement are often against affirmative action. Some people are still ashamed of being Black and try to identify as a lighter category. Also, some of the Black people who are against quotas oppose them because they don't want to confirm the rhetoric that they can't make it on their own. Helen told me that both Afro-Brazilians and white Brazilians claim that affirmative action allows unqualified Blacks into the university. Yet, most Brazilians do not counter that discourse with evidence that Blacks are discriminated against.
Helen pointed out that Brazilian society clearly prefers whiteness and that it is evident in the media. We talked about the Xuxa show which is hosted by a blonde haired blue eyed woman and how children who do not look like her learn to dislike their physical features. All of Xuxa's backup dancers were also white. Watching television and never seeing a Black actress lowers the self-esteem of Black girls. The fact that the media only portrays white actors is yet another manifestation of white supremacy which may not appear to be explicitly racist. Subtle examples of racism such as this one are common in a racial democracy. The subtlety of racism makes it difficult to combat.
Another barrier to obtaining an education is the fact that many Afro-Brazilians who are not associated with the Black Movement are often against affirmative action. Some people are still ashamed of being Black and try to identify as a lighter category. Also, some of the Black people who are against quotas oppose them because they don't want to confirm the rhetoric that they can't make it on their own. Helen told me that both Afro-Brazilians and white Brazilians claim that affirmative action allows unqualified Blacks into the university. Yet, most Brazilians do not counter that discourse with evidence that Blacks are discriminated against.
Helen pointed out that Brazilian society clearly prefers whiteness and that it is evident in the media. We talked about the Xuxa show which is hosted by a blonde haired blue eyed woman and how children who do not look like her learn to dislike their physical features. All of Xuxa's backup dancers were also white. Watching television and never seeing a Black actress lowers the self-esteem of Black girls. The fact that the media only portrays white actors is yet another manifestation of white supremacy which may not appear to be explicitly racist. Subtle examples of racism such as this one are common in a racial democracy. The subtlety of racism makes it difficult to combat.
Meeting with Vice-Reitoria Comuntaria( Director of Scholarships) at PUC-Rio.
Nikki and I, the education specialist of GAAP meet with Director of Scholarship at PUC-Rio. PUC-Rio ( pronounced pooh-key he-o) is abbreviation of Pontificia Universidade Catolica do Rio de Janiero stands. At PUC-Rio, the office of Vice-Reitoria Communitaria is an integral part of the university because it helps them ensure diversity. This office is designed to ensure diversity of rich and poor predates the country’s discussion and implementation of race and class based policies to ensure access of poor and Afro-Brasilans. At PUC-Rio, there are several forms of scholarship academic and community. Academic scholarships are given to the students with the highest academic honors. Community scholarships are broken into several categories 1) financial consideration and academic status, trabalaocos en ago social, coral(music), bosa PUC, and sports.
During our meeting, the Director of Scholarships told us that the “trabalacos en ago social” are for students interested in social good and public interest. She stressed the point that this scholarship has helped PUC-Rio mission as a community university. The “trabalacos en social” scholarships along with others scholarships and fellowships ensure poor students have the opportunity. With the financial assistance, the university’s student body composition has changed from a campus that served only rich families to a more economically diverse of the campus that rich and poor students interact with one another. She emphatically stated with in 10 years the school has had influx of people that would typically not go to PUC because they lacked financial resources. She stated how important it was for poor and rich to interact with another in school, at home, and at work. We asked the question about the role of race in administering scholarships and her immediate response was NO. She explained that in Brasil, the rich, poor, black, white, live together and we forget race even though we have difference among races, we must be equal. Her statement threw me for a loop because of her strong statements about diversity and inclusion occurred simultaneously argued that introduction of race seems to alter diversity and inclusion. This statement had left me with an open question to ask “does the fact one takes account of race mean unequal treatment?” compared to not taking race into account is equal. This was very puzzling. Given in Brasil, race and class are intertwined together. Data shows that country is 54% African descents and which majority of the country’s population is poor and illiterate. Her statement that races are different, but we must treat them the same appears to say that the differences are natural. It quiet odd for one to acknowledge difference but at the same time state same treatment is the only way to deal with this difference.
At the close of the interview, we asked if the school has changed since she graduated in 1975, and she responded yes. She contributed the change to the increase of scholarships to poor people that were unable to afford PUC-Rio.
Follow up questions
1) Why doesn’t race play a factor in financial aid considerations?
2) Is acknowledging race truly treating people different given unequal status of afro-Brazilians and Branca( white) Brazilians a preferential treatment?
A students perspective on Race, Racism and the University
Student Perspective on Race, Racism and the University at Nierma Conference
At the close of the panel, one Black Brazilian student, stated that she was graduating next year in history and she was disappointed that African history and Afro-Brazilian history has been excluded from their curriculum. She wanted to know how do they see this as problem given a federal law has required schools teach the material. While I expected to get a colorful response from all the panelist, only one panelist responded. He stated that this is her role as student to create the knowledge for people to learn and not look to the university for facilitating that development. This response has a dual meaning that the student has responsibility to create the knowledge about a specific area, however the more troubling meaning is the statement about the inability of the university to develop the curriculum. This leads me to believe that while the university is accepting Black students, they are not necessarily apart of the curriculum. As a result of this response I was eager to meet with her. My peer and I approached her to gain a better understanding of the Afro-Brazilian student experience given it would be impossible to find a book about a current student perspective. The students highlighted that the university has begun to use affirmative action policies to admits more Black students, however they fail to change the culture of African exclusion in the university in hiring of faculty and the curriculum. This comment reflects a problem in which access to higher education is not achieved with only admitting afro descendants in the university. To only admit students without changing the environment and the development of knowledge does not do enough for the educational attainment of group. After this conference, I approached her. This is when I realize the language barrier would play a role in me understanding her experience. However, I was lucky this time, when one her friends spoke English. This was a blessing. I began to have a conversation, and Melissa and other joined to discuss their experience in the university. They told us that students wrote on the walls in the bathroom, “that we have to get rid of blacks”. This racial hostility is not shocking, but a direct contradiction of the statemetns about racial harmony and interaction in the conference we just left. In fact, one of the recurring themses throughtout the panel was black and whites get along socially, unlike the United States, therefore racism doesn’t exist. This story from the student runs afoul of his argument that horizontal social relationships negate racism. In fact, this student’s story presents a great example that social interaction does not negate racism, if anything it hides racial discrimination.
At the close of the panel, one Black Brazilian student, stated that she was graduating next year in history and she was disappointed that African history and Afro-Brazilian history has been excluded from their curriculum. She wanted to know how do they see this as problem given a federal law has required schools teach the material. While I expected to get a colorful response from all the panelist, only one panelist responded. He stated that this is her role as student to create the knowledge for people to learn and not look to the university for facilitating that development. This response has a dual meaning that the student has responsibility to create the knowledge about a specific area, however the more troubling meaning is the statement about the inability of the university to develop the curriculum. This leads me to believe that while the university is accepting Black students, they are not necessarily apart of the curriculum. As a result of this response I was eager to meet with her. My peer and I approached her to gain a better understanding of the Afro-Brazilian student experience given it would be impossible to find a book about a current student perspective. The students highlighted that the university has begun to use affirmative action policies to admits more Black students, however they fail to change the culture of African exclusion in the university in hiring of faculty and the curriculum. This comment reflects a problem in which access to higher education is not achieved with only admitting afro descendants in the university. To only admit students without changing the environment and the development of knowledge does not do enough for the educational attainment of group. After this conference, I approached her. This is when I realize the language barrier would play a role in me understanding her experience. However, I was lucky this time, when one her friends spoke English. This was a blessing. I began to have a conversation, and Melissa and other joined to discuss their experience in the university. They told us that students wrote on the walls in the bathroom, “that we have to get rid of blacks”. This racial hostility is not shocking, but a direct contradiction of the statemetns about racial harmony and interaction in the conference we just left. In fact, one of the recurring themses throughtout the panel was black and whites get along socially, unlike the United States, therefore racism doesn’t exist. This story from the student runs afoul of his argument that horizontal social relationships negate racism. In fact, this student’s story presents a great example that social interaction does not negate racism, if anything it hides racial discrimination.
NIREMA Conference at PUC-Rio
NIREMA Conference at PUC-Rio
Upon arrival to PUC-Rio, I realized that I was stepping onto my second college abroad. The first was in the Caribbean, and it didn’t appear as developed. However, on arrival to PUC-RIO, the campus was unlike very developed. As we walked on the campus, I noticed that I did not see very many people that looked like Afro-Brazilians. I along with my classmates decided that we should do our own informal study of Afro-Brazilans at PUC-Rio, by counting the number of Afro-Brazilians we see in an hour. At the conclusion of the hour, we noticed about 5 Afro-Brazilians, with 3 of them workers which is similar to UCLA, in which most people of color, in particular people of African descent are workers not students.
The conference that we attended was titled “Seminario de apresentacao de pesquisa de discriminaco racial no Brasil pesquisas e debates”. The first panel, an professor of African descent presented a research project that was focused on the framing of racial discrimination in Brazilian newspapers. The professor and her students collected newspaper articles to investigate discrimination incidents in the newspapers of Rio de Janiero. After they collected stores they would review the story for the people involved and would use this information to discover if the incidents were litigated. If they were litigated, they would track the results.
The rationale for the project was to inform to find out the way in which media would discuss racialized acts of discrimination and the way it is litigated in court. When she told us that, I initially thought of constitutional stories, a book that provides contextual information that provides information to better understand a case that is being litigated. Another reason for this project is to find out if these cases were litigated, and if they were litigated were they litigated as racial discrimination case. This project is important because in the last 20 years, there has been an increase interest in the truth about racial discrimination. was not followed up again.
This project revealed that 88% of the incidents where in the city and that the highest concentration of incidents were located in the central and north districts of Rio de Janiero. The data also revealed that men and woman are discriminated differently. Male were more likely to be discriminated in the public sphere 43% compared to woman 39%. Woman were more likely to discriminated in the private sphere than men. This asymmetrical experience of racial discrimination is reflects occupational difference between men and woman. In Rio de Janiero, men were likely to be discriminated in the bank, and the streets compared to women in schools, and homes. This showcases the gendered roles of occupation in Rio.
An interesting fact about this project is that majority of cases involved police or security forces. This notion of security and police being involved in the most racial incidents appear to depict that the police are patrolling the color lines and acknowledges race even if Brazilans claim that racial distinction do not exist. When she presented this data about people involved in the racial incident , the project labeled offender and perpetrator, which was intriguing because I thought this was interesting way to describe racial discrimination. It appears that the framing of the problem is the platform for an intent doctrine to fight racial discrimination. This appeared to be very problematic because if one was to use the US example of intent doctrine to fight discrimination, it will illustrate the ineffectiveness of intent doctrine to fight discrimination.
The most intriguing part of the panel was the peer response to the project. The first response was given by Anton Segio of the University of Sao Paulo. His initially response was that he was glad to have a conference such as this in Brazil because this does not occur often. The major takeaway point from his comments is that this project is essential to have a better understanding of race, racism and the way in which these matters are handled. He highlights that newspapers and the case that is litigated are starkly different, and any many cases racial discrimination may not adjudicated . Thus this project allows for people to understand the nuances of racism in Brazil, and the manner in which courts are effective and ineffective spaces to eliminate racial discrimination.
Upon arrival to PUC-Rio, I realized that I was stepping onto my second college abroad. The first was in the Caribbean, and it didn’t appear as developed. However, on arrival to PUC-RIO, the campus was unlike very developed. As we walked on the campus, I noticed that I did not see very many people that looked like Afro-Brazilians. I along with my classmates decided that we should do our own informal study of Afro-Brazilans at PUC-Rio, by counting the number of Afro-Brazilians we see in an hour. At the conclusion of the hour, we noticed about 5 Afro-Brazilians, with 3 of them workers which is similar to UCLA, in which most people of color, in particular people of African descent are workers not students.
The conference that we attended was titled “Seminario de apresentacao de pesquisa de discriminaco racial no Brasil pesquisas e debates”. The first panel, an professor of African descent presented a research project that was focused on the framing of racial discrimination in Brazilian newspapers. The professor and her students collected newspaper articles to investigate discrimination incidents in the newspapers of Rio de Janiero. After they collected stores they would review the story for the people involved and would use this information to discover if the incidents were litigated. If they were litigated, they would track the results.
The rationale for the project was to inform to find out the way in which media would discuss racialized acts of discrimination and the way it is litigated in court. When she told us that, I initially thought of constitutional stories, a book that provides contextual information that provides information to better understand a case that is being litigated. Another reason for this project is to find out if these cases were litigated, and if they were litigated were they litigated as racial discrimination case. This project is important because in the last 20 years, there has been an increase interest in the truth about racial discrimination. was not followed up again.
This project revealed that 88% of the incidents where in the city and that the highest concentration of incidents were located in the central and north districts of Rio de Janiero. The data also revealed that men and woman are discriminated differently. Male were more likely to be discriminated in the public sphere 43% compared to woman 39%. Woman were more likely to discriminated in the private sphere than men. This asymmetrical experience of racial discrimination is reflects occupational difference between men and woman. In Rio de Janiero, men were likely to be discriminated in the bank, and the streets compared to women in schools, and homes. This showcases the gendered roles of occupation in Rio.
An interesting fact about this project is that majority of cases involved police or security forces. This notion of security and police being involved in the most racial incidents appear to depict that the police are patrolling the color lines and acknowledges race even if Brazilans claim that racial distinction do not exist. When she presented this data about people involved in the racial incident , the project labeled offender and perpetrator, which was intriguing because I thought this was interesting way to describe racial discrimination. It appears that the framing of the problem is the platform for an intent doctrine to fight racial discrimination. This appeared to be very problematic because if one was to use the US example of intent doctrine to fight discrimination, it will illustrate the ineffectiveness of intent doctrine to fight discrimination.
The most intriguing part of the panel was the peer response to the project. The first response was given by Anton Segio of the University of Sao Paulo. His initially response was that he was glad to have a conference such as this in Brazil because this does not occur often. The major takeaway point from his comments is that this project is essential to have a better understanding of race, racism and the way in which these matters are handled. He highlights that newspapers and the case that is litigated are starkly different, and any many cases racial discrimination may not adjudicated . Thus this project allows for people to understand the nuances of racism in Brazil, and the manner in which courts are effective and ineffective spaces to eliminate racial discrimination.
Monday, March 26, 2007
A day with Adami
Today we met with Dr. Humberto Adami Santos Jr. (Adami) who is the president of Instituto De Advcocia Racial e Ambiental. The purpose of our trip was twofold. First we wanted to ask substantive questions about our various research topics. I, in particular, wanted to inquire about the criminal and civil procedures affiliated with racial discrimination cases. Second we wanted to be of service to him in his evaluation of African education in Brazilian public schools. However, the conversation soon developed into something even more dynamic the we planned. Adami began to give us his reflections as one of the few racial discrimination attorneys in Brazil. He is working on a variety of different cases. The first case he mentioned focuses on labor market discrimination in all 27 states in Brazil. He is essentially gathering research and evidence from media sources and academia to make the case that racial discrimination is widespread and that the Public Prosecutor of each state has a duty to act. Another case he is working on focuses on racial discrimination in the arena of Public Health as in the previous case he is amassing evidence to show the Afro Brazilian women are discriminated against with regard to prenatal care. Yet another case he is working on is a suit against Sony for a song they produced using racial epithets against Afro Brazilian women. Adami garnered the support of 11 different Afro Brazilian women´s rights organizations to denounce the song. Adami is also working on a case against Petro Brasil for its lack of Afro Brazialin representation in its managemen ranks. Also he is trying to bring suit in attemptng to address why there are almost no Afro Brazilian generals in the Army, executives in major companies and Bishops. Finally he is working on th case of public school compliance with the mandate to teach African history.
With all of these cases he also gave us insight into the difficult task of fighting racial discrimination in courts with limited space, fiscal resources and manpower. Essentially, Adami is a factfinder. His hope is that by getting the information, presenting it to the ministries and asking them to answer for all the obvious disparities that it will bring change to Brazil´s civil society. He also discussed how many of the international organizations are helpful in gathering data but lack either the capacity or will to combat street level litigation to affect change. One of the more interesting comments that Adami made was that there is not enough research done on racial discrimination in Rio De Janiero. Although the population of Afro Brazilians is smaller than Bahia, the Afro Brazilians who live in Rio are no less discriminated against but under studied.
After our meeting we got to talk to the next generation of racial discrimination attorneys Lucine and Aline. They are both interns at Adami´s institute and do much of the leg work on his projects. They were mostly interested in our experiences with Affirmative Action as students in the US. In Brazil affirmative action is basically quotas and is based on phenotype. We had to explain the basic difference and to give them some advice on potential counterarguments to affirmative action. We ended by inviting them to our conference on racial discrimination and by attempting to set a tentative meeting time to continue our dialogue.
With all of these cases he also gave us insight into the difficult task of fighting racial discrimination in courts with limited space, fiscal resources and manpower. Essentially, Adami is a factfinder. His hope is that by getting the information, presenting it to the ministries and asking them to answer for all the obvious disparities that it will bring change to Brazil´s civil society. He also discussed how many of the international organizations are helpful in gathering data but lack either the capacity or will to combat street level litigation to affect change. One of the more interesting comments that Adami made was that there is not enough research done on racial discrimination in Rio De Janiero. Although the population of Afro Brazilians is smaller than Bahia, the Afro Brazilians who live in Rio are no less discriminated against but under studied.
After our meeting we got to talk to the next generation of racial discrimination attorneys Lucine and Aline. They are both interns at Adami´s institute and do much of the leg work on his projects. They were mostly interested in our experiences with Affirmative Action as students in the US. In Brazil affirmative action is basically quotas and is based on phenotype. We had to explain the basic difference and to give them some advice on potential counterarguments to affirmative action. We ended by inviting them to our conference on racial discrimination and by attempting to set a tentative meeting time to continue our dialogue.
Culture as a Weapon?
When I think of Brazil, like others, I think of vibrant music, food, dance and above all, Carnival. I think of the images of Black men, women and children dancing in the streets of Rio, São Paulo and other metropolitan centers. I think of the influence of African cultural expression and the profound mark the people of African descent on Brazilian identity. As a result, I was really excited to see how the Samba Schools Association in Rio would describe this cultural influence when Nikki and I made a visit. Most importantly, I was interested in finding out how and why this cultural influence was marshaled by the Black Movement in Brazil as they engaged in efforts to valorize and politicize Black identity.From my reading of the Black Movement in Brazil, samba schools and other cultural expressions have occupied a central role in the organizing of the Movement, from providing outlets for expression of Movement politics to forming the base of Movement organizations, which is quite distinct from the marginal role the culture played within Black institutions which led the charge for civil rights in the U.S. The NAACP, for example, did not include the cultural development of the Black community as a central part of its mission. On the other hand, Black samba groups, or afro blocos, such as Ilê Aiyê and Olodum (where we will visit next week) are highlighted as prime examples of the way in which the Blackness is politicized through cultural expression in Brazil. Given these distinct organizing strategies, I was quite intrigued with the centrality of culture in the Brazilian movement in general and samba in particular.
The Background on Samba Schools
Samba schools act as primarily social organizations which choreograph and stage Carnival. Each year, a major theme is selected for Carnival and samba schools evaluate themselves and other samba schools on how well they incorporate such themes into their dance routines and floats which are presented during Carnival. Although Carnival occurs only once a year, samba schools work year round perfecting their performances and engaging the community from which comprises the membership of such schools. The Samba Schools Association is a group of the most prominent Samba Schools in Brazil, which often have memberships of up to 4,000 people and annual budgets of up to $1,000,00.
Getting on the Good Foot at the Samba Schools Association
Although I studied and observed the function of racial democracy in denying the existence of racial difference in Brazil, I expected that Carnival and Samba Schools would provide space for the expression of racial identity and acknowledgement and celebration of Blackness in Brazil. However, when I spoke to a representative at the League of Samba Schools, I was surprised to find the origins of Samba and Carnival were presented as fundamentally European with little acknowledgement of the African presence until the mid 20th century.
During the conversation with the League representative, Nikki and I were shown pictures of samba associations beginning in 1727 in Portugal. We didn’t see any images of Black people until at least 1955. Although our verbal communication between the league representative (who spoke Portuguese) and us was kind of rough, the message that was being sent by the presentation of the pictures was loud and clear: Samba and Carnival are European centered expressions with some contribution from African peoples way way later—and even then this was part of a Brazilian identity, not a fundamentally African one.
Later, when we traveled to a samba school called Grande Rio, Black people seemed to be absent from the management of samba schools (which, as I noted above, not only cultural, but seem to operate as large revenue generating organizations with budgets up to $1 million), even when Black people represent the face of the samba school to the public.
As we observed the color dynamics of the samba school, it became clear to me why this cultural space was targeted by Black activists. The myth of racial democracy operated in the space to both co-opt Black culture as part of a national identity while denying the existence of Black people or their unique contributions. As a result, Black culture is on parade annually, but Black people, as Black people, are not. Thus, it seems to me that the use of culture in the context of samba is used both symbolically and substantively to reclaim a Black identity and to move the message of Black politics to a mass audience.
Later in the week, we will be speaking to a number of prominent Black activists. I’m interested to find out how they use culture, if at all, and their perceptions of the efficacy of such strategies. I’m also still trying to figure out the role that samba and samba schools play in the day to day life of the mass of Black folks in Brazil. Is it similar to the role that church played in the U.S.? Stay tuned…
Public Health Secretaria and Afro-Brazilian Women
Today I interviewed Marta de Oliveira who is the psychologist of the program for attention to the health of women, children and adolescents, PAISMCA. There are five programs at the health secretaria to address the issues of women, children, teenagers but no programs to address the health issues of Afro-Brazilian women. In the year 2000 the problem came to the forefront but it took 3 years to convince the health secretariat. When Marta de Oliveira tried to tell the Health Secretariat about the specific health issues faced by Black women, the response was that these issues did not exist because there was no documentation. It turns out that the maternal mortality rate is 5 times higher for Black women than it is for white women. She has made several demands for quality treatment from the professionals but her demands have not been acted upon.
Black women have less access to prenatal health care and the quality of the health care they receive is lower than that received by Black women. A national health program to treat sickle cell disease was started in 2000. Although 45% of Rio de Janeiro is Black, no attention was ever given to the disease. However the problem with this program is that there are other diseases which specifically affect the Afro-Brazilian population. When Afro-Brazilian women are targeted, they were made the focus of mass sterilization campaigns. A study was done which demostrated that Afro-Brazilian women in the northeast were sterilized in order to lower the Black population which was believed to be the cause of social problems. Legally, sterilization was not allowed and was even considered something equivalent to a tort. A law passed in 1996 emphasized that women needed to be educated before making the choice to undergo sterilization. Marta thinks this made things better.
I also had the opportunity to speak to Lucia Xavier of Criola. According to Xavier the denial that racism exists in Brazil has been a major obstacle in serving the health needs of Afro-Brazilian women. There needs to be a health care plan tailored to the needs of Afro-Brazilians. However, that goes against the myth of racial democracy. Opponents of health care programs for Blacks claim that Blacks discriminate too and that implementing such programs will only promote racism. Opponents also claim that Blacks are seeking special attention since Indigenous people and poor whites also experience hardships. Yet, Lucia points out that the concern for poor whites and indigenous people is not genuine because nothing is done for them either.
Black women have less access to prenatal health care and the quality of the health care they receive is lower than that received by Black women. A national health program to treat sickle cell disease was started in 2000. Although 45% of Rio de Janeiro is Black, no attention was ever given to the disease. However the problem with this program is that there are other diseases which specifically affect the Afro-Brazilian population. When Afro-Brazilian women are targeted, they were made the focus of mass sterilization campaigns. A study was done which demostrated that Afro-Brazilian women in the northeast were sterilized in order to lower the Black population which was believed to be the cause of social problems. Legally, sterilization was not allowed and was even considered something equivalent to a tort. A law passed in 1996 emphasized that women needed to be educated before making the choice to undergo sterilization. Marta thinks this made things better.
I also had the opportunity to speak to Lucia Xavier of Criola. According to Xavier the denial that racism exists in Brazil has been a major obstacle in serving the health needs of Afro-Brazilian women. There needs to be a health care plan tailored to the needs of Afro-Brazilians. However, that goes against the myth of racial democracy. Opponents of health care programs for Blacks claim that Blacks discriminate too and that implementing such programs will only promote racism. Opponents also claim that Blacks are seeking special attention since Indigenous people and poor whites also experience hardships. Yet, Lucia points out that the concern for poor whites and indigenous people is not genuine because nothing is done for them either.
Culture is More Palatable
I met with Ms. Stanescon, a Kalderash[1] Romani woman who is the first female Romani lawyer in Brazil. (She is also a fortuneteller.) She was extremely gracious and devoted a great deal of time to answering all of my questions and introducing me to her family.When I asked her about racism, I was surprised to hear her say that there is not much racism toward Roma ("Ciganos") in Brazil, after all, she is the most prominent Romani activist in Rio. I prodded further and asked why it was then that so many Ciganos are illiterate, she responded that it was because they do not want to send their kids to school, especially the girls. I asked if there were any racist structures perhaps also impeding access. She said that there weren't any.
I was not sure if she did not think that racism existed in Brazil at all or if she just thought that it didn't exist against Ciganos. I asked her if she thought that there was racism against Afro-Brazilians. When she said no and I followed up by asking why there were so many black people in the favelas and so few in universities, she said it was because of slavery. Thus, racism has a very narrow meaning for her -- one that does not include vestiges of past discrimination nor disparate impact.
When I asked about the poorer itinerant Ciganos, she said that they were not "real Ciganos" – that they were posing as such to ruin the reputation of Ciganos. (This is untrue -- they are simply another group of Ciganos; please refer to my entry on the Ciganos in Curitiba.) According to her, ability to speak the language and having connections to the community (e.g., I am the son of so-and-so, nephew of so-and-so) are the pillars of Romani identity. However, her children do not speak the language either and there is no doubt that they are "real Ciganos."
It was clear that she was not a typical Brazilian Romani woman – she is very wealthy and educated. It was great to see a Romani woman who had attained such status both within and outside of the community. She indicated that she set a good example by waiting to finish school and then getting married. Her family and community were not upset that she waited until she was 30 to get married because she was still a virgin and didn’t "shame the family." She was also able to marry a non-Romani man and bring him into the community, which is generally frowned upon.
Notwithstanding the fact that she does not problematize the female virginity requirement, I was surprised to find that her gender analysis was more developed than her assessment of racial structures. This was especially puzzling given her activism on behalf of Ciganos in Brazil. One explanation could be the problematic focus on culture. Because recognizing groups based on cultural differences is more palatable than an anti-racist stance, much of her activism revolves around this multiculturalist recognition that often serves to exoticize Ciganos in Brazil.
[1] The Kalderash are a subgroup of Roma who were coppersmiths. They are often referred to as the traditional Roma: they speak Romanes, maintain the customs and wear traditional clothing.
Americana?
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| Brazilian Kids in Rio |
PROUD TO BE AN AMERICAN?
Within moments of choosing a spot on the beach, and before we sat down, a tiny twelve year old in a tinier bikini ran up to the group of us and asked me: “E Famosa? Uganda? Uganda?” “Não,” I responded, still a little shy on the Portuguese. No, I’m not famous, and I’m not from Uganda. When asked to guess where I was from, Antonia responded Americana! She was equally certain that Priscilla (a Blackwoman) and Adrianette (a biracial Black & Italian woman) were American. As for Melissa (a Chicana) and Alex (a Romani woman), they were declared Gringa.
We laughed a lot at that exchange, and over the course of the afternoon, but there was something ironic in it. That was my first time being identified as Americana – not an Afro/Negro/Preto/Pardo American – but A M E R I C A N. Similarly, I suspect that Melissa and Alex had never been white before. In those few moments they wondered what it might feel like to have white privilege; and I wondered what it mean, and more importantly what it might take to really be Americana.
DID YOU KNOW?
The end of chattel slavery in Brazil was not followed by an apartheid era as was the case in the United States. Although there were no Black Codes; no legally sanctioned segregation, myriad socially accepted, expected and enforced rules supported the racial hierarchy. Although never codified, these social conventions continue to result in everyday indignities for Afro-Brazilians not dissimilar to those in the Jim Crow South. For example, buildings in Brazil that have elevators have two; a social elevator and a service elevator. The purpose this custom was to preserve, by segregation, the social hierarchy between society and its servants. Even today, servants are expected to use the service elevator, and of course, servants are almost always Black. As a result, Blacks, whether they are servants or not, often suffer social reprisal in some cases, violent reprisal for stepping out of their presumed places by using the social elevator.
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COALITION BUILDING AT ADAMI & ASSOCIATES
I saw my first set of “service” and “social” elevators (pictured above) on the way up to visit Humberto Adami of Adami Associates. The service elevator arrived first, and its passenger disembarked. Priscilla, George, Melissa and I looked at one another, and made an unspoken but unanimous decision not to ride the service elevator to the to the office that houses Mr. Adami’s civil rights practice. Mr. Adami briefed us on his antidiscrimination efforts: To use public information and statistics, available in newspapers, and even on company websites to trigger action, by the relevant public ministries.
One of the goals of the Praxis Project was to Thus, for me, the highlight of the meeting was connecting with Mr. Adami’s two interns, Aline, and Luciene, both of whom are student activists. I caught a few moments of exchange between Aline and Priscilla on the subject of Affirmative Action. I’m still a novice with the multi-media and we have the Flinstone's old internet connection, but I'll get the footage up soon! We are trying to organize a conversation with a number of students from UERJ and PUC Rio for the end of the week. Stay tuned!
Sunday, March 25, 2007
Negro en Cena
Film Noir: New & Improved
On Sunday, we attended day two of Negro en Cena, a film festival celebrating Blacks in Brazilian film. They offered thought provoking and informative panelsts and workshops, an elaborate Candomble exhibition, and traditional Quilombo style food, along with Samba and Axe music. Among the celebrated film makers was Joel Zito Araújo, with whom we’d chatted it up the night before! The venue was filled with Beautiful Browns. For just a moment I thought I might not want to return to the US!
On Sunday, we attended day two of Negro en Cena, a film festival celebrating Blacks in Brazilian film. They offered thought provoking and informative panelsts and workshops, an elaborate Candomble exhibition, and traditional Quilombo style food, along with Samba and Axe music. Among the celebrated film makers was Joel Zito Araújo, with whom we’d chatted it up the night before! The venue was filled with Beautiful Browns. For just a moment I thought I might not want to return to the US!
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Saturday, March 24, 2007
Welcome Party
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| Welcome Party |
Friday, March 23, 2007
Educational Equality
United States, Brazil, and South Africa are referred as a family resemblance in which each country was colonized by Europeans who sought to preserve themselves and those who looked like them rights and privileges and created a “hierarchy of power in which white skin color, race and other characteristics perceived to be European were valued”. [1] Additionally each of these countries exploited non-Europeans as slaves to meet their labors need. After the end of slavery, a racial caste system was re-invented. A key component of this maintenance of this racial hierarchy was educational deprivation of people of African descent, that would be characterized under the
Many activists and scholars argue that educational equity is essential to the development of oppressed people. In
Through this field study, I will explore how the implementation of Affirmative Action programs through the eyes of administrators and students. In particular, I will investigate the institutional programs that are designed to address students that are entered through the quota system. I will survey student experiences in the institution to explore campus climate. I will investigate the role of students in developing retention and matriculation projects.
[1] Lynn Huntley, Preface of Beyond Racism : Race and Inequality in
Alex's Project
I will be investigating the marginalization of Roma (Gypsies) in Brazil and the types of programs implemented on their behalf. The government has begun to address some of the problems afflicting this minority (access to healthcare, education and identity documents) through various programs. The purpose of this research is to use a Critical Race Theory approach to assess where the Roma fit in the larger discourse on race and affirmative action in Brazil. This would lay the groundwork for scholarship comparing the racialization of Roma in Brazil to that in the United States, where they are absent in racial discourse, as well as to that in Romania, where Roma are the main subjects of racial equality discourse.
Another important facet of this research will entail investigating the gendered components of programs aimed at promoting Romani culture. (Such programs have been recently initiated by the Ministry of Culture.) In other words how do these programs portray, challenge and/or reinforce internal patriarchy? Most importantly, how can they be altered to reflect a more progressive notion of Romani culture? I plan to meet with members of the Romani NGO, APRECI (Sao Paolo), members of the Grupo de Trabalho para as Culturas Ciganas (Rio de Janeiro), and with missionaries from Amigos dos Ciganos (Curitiba).
Another important facet of this research will entail investigating the gendered components of programs aimed at promoting Romani culture. (Such programs have been recently initiated by the Ministry of Culture.) In other words how do these programs portray, challenge and/or reinforce internal patriarchy? Most importantly, how can they be altered to reflect a more progressive notion of Romani culture? I plan to meet with members of the Romani NGO, APRECI (Sao Paolo), members of the Grupo de Trabalho para as Culturas Ciganas (Rio de Janeiro), and with missionaries from Amigos dos Ciganos (Curitiba).
Thursday, March 22, 2007
Melissa's Project
Health Care of Afro-Brazilian Women
Two factors of disparity which consistently contribute to the subordination of Afro-Brazilians are race and gender. Black women have fewer and inferior opportunities compared to whites and Black men in Brazil. Moreover cultural representations of Afro-Brazilian women serve to reinforce negative stereotypes about them and to justify existing structures of inequality. Representations of Black women have been crucial to their domination. Notions about the inferiority of Black women are passed down through the family, media and school. With the help of these ideological apparatuses, racial differences are reinforced and internalized. While my seminar paper explored the multiple oppressions experienced by Afro-Brazilian women, my research in Brazil will focus on whether there is a structure to accommodate for their health needs.
The public health system in Brazil has typically ignored Black women because hospitals were prohibited from asking the race of patients in order to keep in line with the myth of racial democracy. As a consequence almost nothing is known about the health conditions of Black women in Brazil. However, Afro-Brazilian feminists know that in other countries Black and white women have significantly different health profiles, therefore the same must be true in Brazil. At the same time they are ignored in terms of other health matters Afro-Brazilian women have been the targets of mass sterilization campaigns.
Through my investigation I want to reveal the disparities between the health care of Black women and white women. I will show that access to health care is yet another area in which Afro-Brazilian women are at a disadvantage as compared to white women. In order to gather this information I will be conducting several interviews with established service providers as well as community organizations.
Two factors of disparity which consistently contribute to the subordination of Afro-Brazilians are race and gender. Black women have fewer and inferior opportunities compared to whites and Black men in Brazil. Moreover cultural representations of Afro-Brazilian women serve to reinforce negative stereotypes about them and to justify existing structures of inequality. Representations of Black women have been crucial to their domination. Notions about the inferiority of Black women are passed down through the family, media and school. With the help of these ideological apparatuses, racial differences are reinforced and internalized. While my seminar paper explored the multiple oppressions experienced by Afro-Brazilian women, my research in Brazil will focus on whether there is a structure to accommodate for their health needs.
The public health system in Brazil has typically ignored Black women because hospitals were prohibited from asking the race of patients in order to keep in line with the myth of racial democracy. As a consequence almost nothing is known about the health conditions of Black women in Brazil. However, Afro-Brazilian feminists know that in other countries Black and white women have significantly different health profiles, therefore the same must be true in Brazil. At the same time they are ignored in terms of other health matters Afro-Brazilian women have been the targets of mass sterilization campaigns.
Through my investigation I want to reveal the disparities between the health care of Black women and white women. I will show that access to health care is yet another area in which Afro-Brazilian women are at a disadvantage as compared to white women. In order to gather this information I will be conducting several interviews with established service providers as well as community organizations.
Wednesday, March 21, 2007
George's Project
The Federal Constitution of 1988 Title II, Article 5, Section XLII makes it a crime to racially discriminate. According to the Penal Code, article 140, paragraph 3º, this crime is considered a crime against a person’s honor and state criminal courts have jurisdiction to hear the case. However, there are several procedural impediments to successfully prosecuting this type of crimes. First, unlike other crimes, the victims of honor crimes do not get to use the state prosecutor and have to hire a private attorney. Private attorneys are expensive and many of the victims of these sorts of crimes are black and poor. Further private attorney tend to not take these cases because the low amount of money received in damages for the victim. In addition, the damages are rewarded in the form of a tort. Consequently, the victim has to go to the civil court to actually receive his or her money. Another potential impediment is that the burden of proof is on the victim, and she or he has to prove that the incident actually occurred. These types of impediments concomitant with other substantial and procedural difficulties justify the selection of the research question posed above.
Nikki's Project: Affirmative Action & Backlash
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| My First Video Blog |
Brazil, having only recently implemented race conscious remedies appears to be in a similar position as the United States during the Civil Rights Movement. At the same time, in the United States, race conscious remedies have become anathema to many, and in some states, illegal. Colorblindness has become the word of the day, leaving a stage for racial inclusion work that looks like a page out of Brazil’s past regime of racial democracy. At this historical moment the Unites States and Brazil appear to be at in ironic temporal crossroads, making the comparative study of affirmative action in the two nations informative, and hopefully transformative, for students, lawyers, activists, and progressive minds across disciplines in both.
In my seminar paper, I explored the ways in which both the United States and Brazil have, and are using affirmative action as a mechanism to further anti-subordination goals. One of the things that the United States Civil Rights Movement did not do adequately was to anticipate the backlash and attendant arguments against affirmative action that would eventually materialize to be used to attack these programs and to isolate and alienate its intended beneficiaries. Brazil is already facing backlash against affirmative action policies. White students have already filed their first anti-affirmative action lawsuits, demanding admission and claiming that they have been denied their places in the public universites because of racial quotas. Only two years after implementing a 40% set-aside for Black and Brown students Rio de Janeiro’s public universites, the legislature has already amended the policy. In a move that eerily reflects American colorblindness, the 40% quota for people of African decent has been reduced to 20% for Blacks (as opposed to Blacks and Brown), 20% for students who attended public schools, and 5% for students with disabilites.
I am generally interested access to education and the terms upon which it is denied or granted; lost or garnered by black and brown people in the struggle for racial justice and inclusion as it has played out through affirmative action polices and the related discourse. My field study will focus on the nature and effects of the backlash against affirmative action in higher education, and the ways that the arguments for and against affirmative action framed.
My research questions are:
- What is the nature of the backlash against affirmative action?
- How are the arguments for and against affirmative action framed?
- What, if any, affect does this backlash have on student beneficiaries of affirmative action as they try to navigate their education?
Stay Tuned.....
Tuesday, March 20, 2007
Priscilla's Project: The Black Movement in Brazil
As I travel to Brazil with the group of six students affiliated with the Praxis Project, I will explore race consciousness and racial identification in Brazil and its impact on the development of a Black mass movement. As a student of critical race theory, I am most interested in how law shapes racial identities and therefore the ability of oppressed peoples to resist their subordination. I have seen "Eyes on the Prize" more times than I can count, but surely it is not the case that the U.S. Civil Rights movement was launched solely because Rosa Parks "refused to sit in the back of the bus" (actually, Mrs. Parks was already in the back of the bus, but refused to stand up so a white man could take her seat...but I digress...). If social movements do not emerge simply as a result of pervasive injustice or extraordinary acts of courage, what more is needed to motivate subordinated peoples to resist in mass?
The Background
Contemporary social movement theory, largely derived from the experience of U.S. movements, suggests that a collective identity is central to the development of a sustainable mass mobilization of people. In the context of the U.S. civil rights movement, race was central not only as an identity around which movement was organized, it shaped the creation of institutions, the availability of opportunities to disrupt the equilibrium of the state and the building of a collective sense of empowerment among folks who shared the collective identity of Blackness.
In Brazil, Black movement activists have sought to facilitate the development of a collective racial identity which, like the United States, can be used as a mechanism through which a mass movement can be built. Unlike the U.S. civil rights movement, which developed under a regime explicitly steeped in white supremacy, the establishment of a mass base in Brazil is occurring on a societal terrain grounded in the ideology of “racial democracy,” which denied the existence of race as an organizing factor in society and therefore served to undermine the establishment of collective racial identity.
Despite the challenges posed by racial democracy in the development of Black racial consciousness, Black movement activists have succeeded in destabilizing the basic premise of racial democracy. Movement activists have leveraged contemporary scholarship regarding racial inequality in Brazil, linkages to other African diaspora populations and their presence on the international stage to challenge this national ethos. As a result of the efforts of Black movement activists, a new dialogue regarding racial inequality is taking place and affirmative action programs are currently being implemented in various public entities.
The Paper
Contemporary social movement theory, largely derived from the experience of U.S. movements, suggests that a collective identity is central to the development of a sustainable mass mobilization of people. In the context of the U.S. civil rights movement, race was central not only as an identity around which movement was organized, it shaped the creation of institutions, the availability of opportunities to disrupt the equilibrium of the state and the building of a collective sense of empowerment among folks who shared the collective identity of Blackness.
In Brazil, Black movement activists have sought to facilitate the development of a collective racial identity which, like the United States, can be used as a mechanism through which a mass movement can be built. Unlike the U.S. civil rights movement, which developed under a regime explicitly steeped in white supremacy, the establishment of a mass base in Brazil is occurring on a societal terrain grounded in the ideology of “racial democracy,” which denied the existence of race as an organizing factor in society and therefore served to undermine the establishment of collective racial identity.
Despite the challenges posed by racial democracy in the development of Black racial consciousness, Black movement activists have succeeded in destabilizing the basic premise of racial democracy. Movement activists have leveraged contemporary scholarship regarding racial inequality in Brazil, linkages to other African diaspora populations and their presence on the international stage to challenge this national ethos. As a result of the efforts of Black movement activists, a new dialogue regarding racial inequality is taking place and affirmative action programs are currently being implemented in various public entities.
The Paper
In a recent paper for the seminar, I explored the extent to which race consciousness and Black racial identity is a necessary predicate for organizing a mass movement designed to extend the transformative vision of the Black movement. While race-based movements in the U.S. and elsewhere serve as a particular model of mass mobilization, I examined both the existence and efficacy of alternative organizing strategies which center less on a common sense of “racial groupness” and more around common sets of exclusions facing individual members of society.
The Question
While in Brazil, I will continue to explore race consciousness as a basis for mobilization. Through this field study, I will analyze the mobilization strategies and the tactics of collective action currently employed by Black movement activists as well as the applicability of organizing strategies which do not invoke traditional conceptions of racial identity. To the extent that race consciousness is adopted as a mobilization strategy by activists, I will explore the impact of cultural nationalism as a mechanism for racial identity development. In addition, I will interrogate the influence of affirmative action in politicizing race and stimulating racial identification.
Thursday, March 15, 2007
New Legal Developments on Racial Justice in Brazil, Part II
Shell Oil and Racial Discrimination
The institute of Racial and Environmental Advocacy (IARA) and the SINDIPETRO (Union formed by workers of the oil, chemical, and plastic industries) from Alagoas, Seara, entered with a representation against Petrobras and Shell Brasil due to the lack of blacks and Afro descendents employed in these respective companies. The president of IARA, Humberto Adami Santos Junior, was received on the 23rd, by Procurador Chefe (equivalent to Chief District Attorney) of Regional Office of First Region (Rio de Janeiro), Marcio Vieira Alves, and by the Labor D.A.s (procuradoras do trabalho), Juliane Mombelli, Maria Julieta Tepedino de Braganca e Lisyane Chaves Motta. This representation will be distributed to other regional Labor Public Ministry Offices and was distributed to the Federal Public Ministry on the 22nd .
According to the representation, discrimination against blacks and Afro-descendents was observed through the annual social statement of these companies. In the case of Petrobras, out of 53.933 employees, 2.339 are Afro-Brazilians, and out of these 3.10% are in decision-making positions. In the case of Shell, out of 1.657 employees, 34 are blacks and none of them hold decision-making positions. The numbers refer to the year of 2005. Besides the representation, the attorney petitions for the inception of a public civil inquisition [which can give bases to a Public Civil Action] in order to investigate the situation. The petition is also signed by attorney Anderson Bussinger Carvalho, who says:
The first hearing of the public civil inquisition is scheduled to happen this month, March 2007, through the Public Ministry of Labor.
The institute of Racial and Environmental Advocacy (IARA) and the SINDIPETRO (Union formed by workers of the oil, chemical, and plastic industries) from Alagoas, Seara, entered with a representation against Petrobras and Shell Brasil due to the lack of blacks and Afro descendents employed in these respective companies. The president of IARA, Humberto Adami Santos Junior, was received on the 23rd, by Procurador Chefe (equivalent to Chief District Attorney) of Regional Office of First Region (Rio de Janeiro), Marcio Vieira Alves, and by the Labor D.A.s (procuradoras do trabalho), Juliane Mombelli, Maria Julieta Tepedino de Braganca e Lisyane Chaves Motta. This representation will be distributed to other regional Labor Public Ministry Offices and was distributed to the Federal Public Ministry on the 22nd .
According to the representation, discrimination against blacks and Afro-descendents was observed through the annual social statement of these companies. In the case of Petrobras, out of 53.933 employees, 2.339 are Afro-Brazilians, and out of these 3.10% are in decision-making positions. In the case of Shell, out of 1.657 employees, 34 are blacks and none of them hold decision-making positions. The numbers refer to the year of 2005. Besides the representation, the attorney petitions for the inception of a public civil inquisition [which can give bases to a Public Civil Action] in order to investigate the situation. The petition is also signed by attorney Anderson Bussinger Carvalho, who says:
“In this country, it is fundamental that major companies, which profit from exploration of our natural resources, become role models for all the other institutions. Through the analysis of the social statements published by Petrobras and Shell Brasil, it is possible to conclude that, although the first [Petrobras] has supported projects in favor of promoting racial equality, both of them have the same anomaly happening internally, which is a contradiction to the in-favor-of-racial equality- programs and discourse that have been massively published.
The first hearing of the public civil inquisition is scheduled to happen this month, March 2007, through the Public Ministry of Labor.
New Legal Developments on Racial Justice in Brazil, Part I
Translation:
American Flight Attendants Will Answer For Racial Prejudice
Published on December 28th , 2006 at 10:31 am
Brazilian STJ (Superior Tribunal of Justice)
Two male flight attendants from American Airlines will answer for crime of racial prejudice in response to the offense committed against a Brazilian passenger. The decision is from the fifth panel of the Brazilian Superior Court (STJ), which denied review of habeas corpus to the North-Americans, Shaw Tiptonlic and Scott Mathew Goncalves, employees of American Airlines.
In accordance with the written information offered by the Public Ministry, Nelson Marcio Nirenberg, Brazilian, argued with both of flight attendants during the flight between NYC and Rio de Janeiro. Following the argument, the AA employee, Shaw, would have offended the Brazilian passenger saying: “Tomorrow, I will wake up young, beautiful, proud, rich, and being a powerful American, and you will wake up as a naughty, indecent, repulsive, bastard, and miserable Brazilian.” In accordance with the written information, the flight attendant, Mathew, would have helped in this act, due to acts of incentive and cooperation in the alleged racism offense.
The employees of AA were accused of racism practice, crime established by art. 20 of Law Cao, L. n. 7.716/89. The information was offered by the Public Ministry and was accepted by the Federal Court of Rio de Janeiro. The flight attendants filed a writ of Habeas Corpus in the Regional Tribunal of the 2nd region, which denied the review.
In the writ directed to the STJ (Superior Tribunal of Justice), the defendants contested the continuance of the proceeding arguing that the crime of racial prejudice did not occur, but rather a honor crime of injury. In this case, the crime would be of private action, and the Public Ministry would lack criminal jurisdiction and standing to enter with the criminal proceeding. The main argument of the defense is that the action of the flight attendants was offensive only towards the passenger and not towards the Brazilian people. The defense attorneys also contested the accusation against Matthew, since he did not commit the act himself.
Minister Felix Fischer, from the STJ, delivered the opinion of the Court reasoning that the intention of the accused, prima facie, was not to disrespect the passenger but to highlight his inferior condition because he is a Brazilian. The idea, therefore, is to highlight the perceived superiority of the American people in contrast to the alleged inferior position of Brazilians. This posture, in the Minister’s opinion, is against the Brazilian collectivity, and, consequently, covered by art. 20 of Law 7.716/89. The accusation was based on many depositions from several witnesses, who were present. The Court concluded that all the elements necessary for the inception of a public criminal proceeding are present, being inadequate the suspension of the proceeding because of lack of standing. The Court denies the review of the writ of Habeas.
American Flight Attendants Will Answer For Racial Prejudice
Published on December 28th , 2006 at 10:31 am
Brazilian STJ (Superior Tribunal of Justice)
Two male flight attendants from American Airlines will answer for crime of racial prejudice in response to the offense committed against a Brazilian passenger. The decision is from the fifth panel of the Brazilian Superior Court (STJ), which denied review of habeas corpus to the North-Americans, Shaw Tiptonlic and Scott Mathew Goncalves, employees of American Airlines.
In accordance with the written information offered by the Public Ministry, Nelson Marcio Nirenberg, Brazilian, argued with both of flight attendants during the flight between NYC and Rio de Janeiro. Following the argument, the AA employee, Shaw, would have offended the Brazilian passenger saying: “Tomorrow, I will wake up young, beautiful, proud, rich, and being a powerful American, and you will wake up as a naughty, indecent, repulsive, bastard, and miserable Brazilian.” In accordance with the written information, the flight attendant, Mathew, would have helped in this act, due to acts of incentive and cooperation in the alleged racism offense.
The employees of AA were accused of racism practice, crime established by art. 20 of Law Cao, L. n. 7.716/89. The information was offered by the Public Ministry and was accepted by the Federal Court of Rio de Janeiro. The flight attendants filed a writ of Habeas Corpus in the Regional Tribunal of the 2nd region, which denied the review.
In the writ directed to the STJ (Superior Tribunal of Justice), the defendants contested the continuance of the proceeding arguing that the crime of racial prejudice did not occur, but rather a honor crime of injury. In this case, the crime would be of private action, and the Public Ministry would lack criminal jurisdiction and standing to enter with the criminal proceeding. The main argument of the defense is that the action of the flight attendants was offensive only towards the passenger and not towards the Brazilian people. The defense attorneys also contested the accusation against Matthew, since he did not commit the act himself.
Minister Felix Fischer, from the STJ, delivered the opinion of the Court reasoning that the intention of the accused, prima facie, was not to disrespect the passenger but to highlight his inferior condition because he is a Brazilian. The idea, therefore, is to highlight the perceived superiority of the American people in contrast to the alleged inferior position of Brazilians. This posture, in the Minister’s opinion, is against the Brazilian collectivity, and, consequently, covered by art. 20 of Law 7.716/89. The accusation was based on many depositions from several witnesses, who were present. The Court concluded that all the elements necessary for the inception of a public criminal proceeding are present, being inadequate the suspension of the proceeding because of lack of standing. The Court denies the review of the writ of Habeas.
Sunday, March 11, 2007
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