What Color Are You?

Sitting at the airport in Rio de Janeiro awaiting our flight back to the US, I can’t help but think back on the past 48 hours and what was perhaps the most moving part of our two weeks in Brazil. On Wednesday evening we visited UniPalmares, the first, and to my understanding, only Afro-Brazilian university in Brazil. Even though we were late to this meeting, the smiling faces and enthusiasm that greeted us were readily apparent. After a tour of the school, including a lesson in “Samba Rock”, a dance program offered at the school, we sat down for a discussion with students, faculty and administrators from the school.

One thing we had learned through our experiences in Brazil is that most Brazilians don’t understand, or don’t know, the complicated means by which Americans racially classify one another. Of the nine students who attended the program from UCLA, only three, and perhaps myself as a fourth, identify as “white”. We tried to share this with the group we met with at UniPalmares. We wanted to describe that unlike in Brazil, where people identify as either black or white (despite the tremendous amounts of ambiguity we thought we saw), in the US many other groups are marginalized or discriminated against within our “colorblind” system.

After each of the UCLA students shared their own experiences with race and identification, a student from UniPalmares raised his hand and said that it was obvious how discrimination in the US must exist equally as in Brazil because our group consisted of eight white students and only one black student. Each of us kind of looked around at one another, wondering how we should respond. I think we all thought it was a bit humorous and perhaps ironic that even though many of the students shared their stories of racial discrimination we were still just seen as black and white. However, it also speaks to an important element of this project that we should work on in the future. Each of us was in Brazil not only to gather information for our own individual comparative research analyses, but also to exchange information and to offer our counterparts in Brazil the same opportunity to learn about us that we hoped to gain from them. This was not the first time we were looked at as eight white students and one black one – and it seems that a key to making this project a success, is to identifying a way to frame our experiences in a way people who have never been visited our country can understand.

The Right to Belong

Our visit at the University of Zumbi dos Palmares in Sao Paolo was an interesting contrast to our other campus meetings. Palmares enrolled its first class five years ago and is the only Black university in Brazil. We learned that Palmares recently graduated its first class of twenty one students, which constituted the largest number of Afro-Brazilian students to graduate from any university in Brazil. This statistic shows the dire inequality among races in Brazil given that nearly half of the population is Afro-Brazilian.

This visit was different because the Palmares students did not talk about feeling isolated in the classroom or feeling like they had to fight to show they had a right to be on campus. This is not to say that there is widespread support for this university. The President, Dr. Jose Vicente, told us that there is a lot of resistance to the university because it enrolls almost all Black students. It was a big challenge just to get the university established and to graduate its first class last year. Nonetheless, on the Palmares campus the students have a much greater sense of belonging and camaraderie than the Afro-Brazilian students we talked to at primarily white schools.

In Salvador, Afro-Brazilian students spoke of feeling alone and ostracized in the classroom and on campus generally until they began participating in workshops and programs through Black NGOs that aim to increase Black enrollment and create an environment in which these students have an entire network of support behind them. This support allowed the students to speak up in class and challenge racist behavior and comments, which significantly improved their experience. While these students felt more supported through their involvement with these NGOs, they still did not feel as welcomed and at home as the Palmares students.

Many of our own students of color could relate to the experiences of the Salvador students. Spending time at Palmares was personally important for them because it showed that their isolating experience at UCLA Law could have been different if higher numbers of students of color were enrolled here. While supporters of affirmative action, whether people of color or white, know that being part of a small minority on campus makes it more difficult for the students to learn because of racial isolation and discrimination, visiting a campus where challenges exist but that being entitled to attend school is not one of them, brought home this point in a new and powerful way. We need affirmative action back in California.

Education, Power, Respect

On Monday, we attended a mini-seminar with Professor Flavia Piovesan and students during her class at Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Sao Paulo (PUC-SP). There, a young woman from Mozambique brought up the fact that all of the three blacks in the class were from Africa. Sadly, there were no Afro-Brazilians enrolled in the course. But, what I was more intrigued by was the impact of an affirmative action type program in Mozambique described by the young lady. Mozambique is 99% indigenous tribal groups, but people in power still found a way to discriminate and oppress others. Here, they used geography to exclude people from the university. As a result of groups from the north and east’s exclusion, the people in the south were perceived as ‘smarter’. However, when the University began opening up to more people from the north and east, those students were able to debunk the myth of “south superiority” and gain greater access.

This shows how power can be used to oppress others in order to maintain that power in any context. I think power goes beyond race since there is always potential for intra-group oppression, but racism is the strongest tool used in maintaining power. Education and exclusion from education have always been tools for maintaining power. Nevertheless, technology and globalization may alter the desire for domination and subordination of weaker groups. This combination requires the involvement of a higher percentage of the population for the creation, innovation and adoption of new technologies; using less than the full potential of human capital may cause a nation to slip behind others. Hopefully, this need will incentivize countries to provide equal opportunity and access to education to all of their people.

A Seat at the Table

     Yesterday’s interviews brought forth some interesting questions and highlighted some contradictions about the anti-violence against women movement. I prepared all evening for a meeting with Geledes, a twenty-year old Black women’s organization that fights racism and gender discrimination in Brazil. During this research I learned about their provocative approach to addressing violence against women of color; it was very similar to the radical feminist of color strategies in the US. Geledes organizers suggest that anti violence strategies must address the specific way in which Afro-Brazilian women experience violence. They suggest that efforts to remedy interpersonal violence must coincide with strategies that address the institutionalized violence that Black women face (including lack of education, violence associated with the drug trade, poverty, and the violence that Black women face in the domestic labor employment sector). Serendipitously and after learning about their efforts to address violence, one of the self-identified feminists invited us to an event that discussed the barriers to implementing the Maria de Pena law, a new anti-violence against women law. I was so excited to attend an event that was co-sponsored by Geledes, a radical women of color feminist organization because I assumed it would directly discuss the issues that I study. I thought I had found an allied network of movement organizers.

     In Geledes I did. However, the event as a whole reminded me of the white liberal feminist approach rather than that put forth by Geledes. I was disappointed, yet, unsurprised by what I saw. For example, while the event was cosponsored by many women of color organizations, a white feminist politic dominated the scene. Perhaps most obvious was that the six women chosen to speak at the event were all white women, yet most glaring was that at the last minute – indeed, at the event itself – one women of color was asked to join. The scene was eerily reminiscent of Audre Lorde’s famous feminist narrative in “The Masters Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House” where women of color were asked last minute to speak at a conference in order to provide a façade of multiculturalism but not to truly address issues pertaining specifically to women of color. (The idea is that using the master’s tools, tools of oppression, will not bring down the master’s house, dominant power structures). Furthermore the sole women of color represented the state-owned oil company that sponsors many organizations in the name of “social responsibility.”  This lone Black woman literally did not have a “seat at the table.” The metaphor is glaring; she sat in a folding chair off the end of the table. At the event, violence against women of color was never mentioned, nor were the terms race or poverty uttered. While I am not surprised by this organizational methodology, it brings forth questions regarding the pivotal crossroads at which the Brazilian anti- violence movement stands.

     This movement has a lot of resources and they are at a moment in which the their work could be co-opted by state interests and lose its social justice grassroots footing.  Rather than propose strategies that address the way in which institutionalized and interpersonal violence compound on the lives of women of color, as I hypothesized, a professionalized state-sponsored movement in Brazil assuages violence against women in band-aid type reforms that neither address root causes of violence nor heal the community wounds caused by violence – in all of its forms.  During my visit to the all women police station, for example, I was both excited by how the movement was using a law and simultaneously providing social services that holistically addresses violence. Most importantly, the Sao Paulo station, unlike others, combines social services like health care, child care, psychological services, and mediation type reforms, yet women do not have to use the police stations to utilize these services. However, the anti-violence movement in the US also started this way.  It was at this pivotal stage that the US anti-violence against women movement turned to strategies that prevented the type of organized, funded, and sustainable movement that could end violence against women of color – as well as white women. How might Brazilian feminists learn from the mistakes of the US feminist movement?  How can we start this radical movement with these hopeful foundations? 

Our Heroes

Yesterday, we met Claudete Alves. During our time with her, she brought up many American figures including Barack Obama and Martin Luther King, Jr. While Obama has been discussed often as a sign of hope, several people have cited King and Malcolm X as heroes and inspirations to the black movements in Brazil. Inspirational figures have not only been American but from several countries, including Steve Biko and Nelson Mandela from South Africa and Che Guevara from Argentina. Aside from our discussions, I have seen their images on walls, t-shirts, and even tattooed on somebody’s back.

The importance of the importation of their ideas cannot be understated. What is interesting is how Brazil gained exposure to some of these individuals. Similar to hip-hop, the media played an instrumental role in exporting these figures and what they represent. While we were still in Salvador, we met with CEAFRO, an Afro-Brazilian Community-Based Educational Initiative. The meeting comprised of several groups under the CEAFRO umbrella, including the Cultural Institute of Steve Biko. After the meeting, I asked its representative the impact Steve Biko, famous for spearheading the Black Consciousness movement in South Africa until Apartheid prison guards beat him to death in 1977, had on the black movement and how well known he was throughout Brazil. He told me that the movie Cry Freedom, starring Denzel Washington and Kevin Kline and based on Donald Woods’ biography of Biko, introduced Brazil to Biko. After seeing the movie, they read his speeches and essays and noticed that Black Consciousness fit into the Brazilian context.

It is clear that all people and groups across the globe in the struggle for human rights have much to gain from each other and can better achieve their goals through cooperation. Our heroes may easily become the heroes of some other country, just as their history may serve to inspire us for something greater. Activists need to share their experiences with one another; even though occurrences in one context may not transfer neatly to another, they may still serve as useful illustrations. I think that this is what GAAPP aims to do, to serve as a vehicle to initiate and maintain the communication necessary to collaborate. As this project is only in its second year, there is not telling what contribution it can make to this movement.

Student Exchange

On Monday we visited Professor Flavia’s human rights class. This class was filled with teachers, professors, activists, organizers, lawyers, and law students. The students were eager to ask questions and learn more about the unfortunate growing movement against affirmative action in the U.S. One student was going to be participating in a debate defending affirmative action and asked for help preparing her arguments. After 40 years of defending these programs we were more than happy to share our views on the subject. In listening to the students ask their questions about the status of affirmative action in the U.S. and the problems that Brazil is currently facing. I realized how important it is to share with them the reality in the U.S. This was especially important when the question of the presidential race and Obama came up. In Brazil, Obama’s candidacy is being deployed in support of the myth of racial democracy. Some argue that Obama is “beyond race.” His race, they argue, does not make him a winning candidate – it is simply his charisma or his leadership, they argue. However, many people we have visited have voiced that Obama gives them hope. His success this far symbolizes possibility for the rest of the world. This is unarguable because he is Black man.
Discussing these issues in Professor Flavia’s class was fruitful for all of us. For example, although there appeared to be great diversity in the room, one of the Black students was quick to point out that all the Black students in the room were from Africa. It was glaring that there were no Afro-Brazilian students in this class. The absence of any Afro-Brazilian students in this class, in a country where almost half the population is Afro-Brazilian, is simply unacceptable. This only further illustrates the need for continued affirmative action programs and speaks to the importance of continuing dialogues between the US and Brazil.

Afro-Brazilian Women and Inexplicit Racism

Yesterday we met with Claudete Alves, currently one (1) of only five (5) women on the Sao Paolo City Council, and the only female Afro-Brazilian councilwoman in the City of Sao Paolo in the last 450 years (with the exception of another Afro-Brazilian woman who didn’t finish her term).  She described her experience in this position as a lonely and challenging fight against racism and sexism, through which she has been accused of promoting reverse discrimination.  During our conversation with the councilwoman, she described an experience that she had coming to the United States in 2004.  She visited various cities including New York, Washington D.C., Seattle, Atlanta, and New Orleans, and through her experience she said that although racial discrimination was much more explicit and clear, she never felt so much like a citizen.  In Brazil, she said that in any state, she can go to a middle class restaurant and if she is just waiting to meet someone, standing alone she will get suspicious glances from the waiters, who assume that she is a prostitute simply because she is an Afro-Brazilian.  It is not a new phenomenon that Afro-Brazilian women in Brazil don’t have access to their rights, nor are they guaranteed protection from domestic or state violence. 

In fact, during our meeting today with Geledes, the President of the program, Solymar Carneiro, spoke to us about the implementation of the Ministry of Women and the Ministry of Race in the Brazilian government and how both of these positions were created to people from discrimination based on gender and race, but how they fail to protect Afro-Brazilian women.  The Ministry of Women and the Ministry of Race both fail to address the needs of Afro-Brazilian women, and instead focus on the needs and issues affecting white women and Afro-Brazilian men.

During this trip, I have come to understand that countries are the same in that racial discrimination is a real occurrence, however in the U.S. minorities are more apt to admit to being discriminated against by virtue of their race than in Brazil.  Afro-Brazilian women are fighting this fight in Brazil with the help of organizations like Geledes, however, just as they face discrimination in everyday life, they experience this type of discrimination in securing fundamental protections and rights from the state.  This story is not too different from story of African American women in the United States, who often in guise are represented by the Women’s Movement, even though their needs are not fully understood and addressed.  Part of my project looks at discrimination and the various forms it takes.  The failure to address the issues affecting Afro-Brazilian women’s rights is one of the main facets of discrimination that is predominant in Brazil.  The fact that women play a central role in the family in Brazil makes this situation even more important to focus on, because if their potential is shunted systematically, the decisions they make and the reality that they implant in their children is essentially affecting generations of people.  

Better schools is not enough

I have learned a number of things about the way prestige/rankings work in Brazil, that I feel will contribute to my comparative analysis of how diversity affects prestige, reputation, and rankings in the United States.

To begin with, there are evaluations and rankings in Brazil, their impact is much greater than what I had previously thought. Before the year 2000, the only formalized evaluative mechanism was implemented by Playboy Magazine. Playboy had sent surveys to various professors to create a comparative evaluation of educational quality. The results have been used by those trying to decide where to disseminate their funds.

In the year 2000, the ministry of education began to institute a much more thorough ranking/evaluative system that takes into account a number of various measures in order to compare the relative strength and value of different educational institutions. What is interesting about these new evaluations is that schools depend on a good evaluation for funding, and students care about the evaluations when deciding what school to go to.

What I repeatedly hear from Brazilian students is that the best way to influence diversity and the way it is perceived and decided upon by universities and students, is to influence public education before the university level. I have gathered that we are at a crossroads with Brazil, and I believe we are going to have to learn from each other if we are both going to become more equal in the future. Rankings and evaluations are becoming more important in Brazil, while people are beginning to realize and accept that discrimination exists, and are even beginning to take some affirmative steps to remedy it. In the United States these rankings are already all important and we are moving towards a society that does not recognize that discrimination exists and are taking away affirmative steps to combat racism.

In both countries there is the seduction of colorblindness and racial democracy. Advocating for better public education is a great thing to struggle for, however, it seems to be too assuaging to those who desire the colorblind. They can simply say they want better schools, and then turn away from recognizing the influence of racism in creating the disparities and maintaining an educational gap between blacks and whites. Better elementary and high schools are necessary, but they are not enough and this road alone would take too long to travel down. We need better universities to close the educational gap, and in order to do that, we need to convince people that affirmative action makes universities better.

Meeting with Claudete Alves

Today we visited Claudete Alves, the only black woman member of Sao Paulo’s city council. The fact that she is the only black female councilwoman is remarkable given that the city of Sao Paulo is 33% Afro-Brazilian, and that Brazil is 45% Afro-Brazilian. Unlike many of the other politicians in Sao Paulo, she was raised in the favelas (slums). She recounted that her mom worked several jobs to send her to a private boarding school, and that she was the only Afro-Brazilian student in this school. The teachers discriminated against her because she was black, and punished her more severely than her classmates, burning her with a branding iron if she overslept (she took off her watch and showed us her scars). It was the injustice she experienced in school, she says, that instilled in her the desire to combat racism and sexism.

Thus far, she has introduced 79 bills, 4 of which have become laws. All the laws aim to help Sao Paulo’s Afro-Brazilians population. She has improved public school teacher training (where almost all Afro-Brazilian students study), established November 20 to honor Zumbi dos Palmares and celebrate Sao Paulo’s Afro-Brazilian heritage, created the Municipal Program to combat racism and promote affirmative action in Sao Paulo City Hall, and renamed the day care center after an Afro-Brazilian woman. She says that it is difficult to pass laws that combat racism because the other council members are eager to uphold the myth of racial democracy and deny that racism exists.

Our meeting with Claudete Alves reaffirmed the how important it is to have minority voices in public office. Due to her own experiences with racism and sexism, she spoke passionately about these topics and has become an agent for change. Furthermore, she serves as a role model for other women of color (such as myself) and affirms that a high-powered career is both possible and desirable.

Hippy Hoppy Brasil!

Again, I am investigating the impact of Brazilian government funding in hip-hop and social movements. I have learned a lot about the issue in the past few days. First, let me give some context to the hip-hop scene in Brazil.

One cannot talk about hip-hop in Brazil without mentioning Racionais MC's. Racionais are the most well known and respected artists in the history of Brazilian hip-hop. The group formed in 1988 and each member hails from the ring of favelas around São Paulo, Brazil locally called the periferia. Their lyrics combine themes of social justice with gangster imagery. Brazil hip-hop artists basically copycatted Racionais and adopted social justice themes, which is a good thing. A lot of the music challenges the idea of a racial democracy and talks about issues ranging from police brutality to support for affirmative action quotas surprisingly! Artists like Racionais and Rappin Hood have are the most well known artists to rap about such issues. The artists here can be seen as a mix between Tupac, NWA, and Public Enemy with regard to their message.

Liza and I spoke with several industry insiders including a hip-hop writer for Rolling Stone Brazil and an MC who once hosted Yo MTV Raps Brazil. Both gave similar descriptions of the hip-hop scene in Brazil with much praise of Racionais as the leaders of the hip-hop movement. With regard to the government funding of hip-hop, it all began when Lula became President of Brazil in 2002. Lula is the first President of Brazil to come from a poor and working class background. When Lula became President the working class believed that they all became President. Many progressive programs and policies have been started under Lula and the funding of music and cultural development was one of them. One of the things I found very interesting was the meeting President Lula had with the leaders of the hip-hop movement; including Racionais, MV Bill, Rappin Hood, and others. During this meeting, President Lula listened to the needs of the hip-hop movement and this is how the program was started.

However, the people with whom I talked to about the government programs had a few responses. One artist stated that 97% of the people involved in the hip-hop movement don’t have access to the funds because 1) they don’t know how to write projects and 2) the criteria is ambiguous. Others stated that the program is strictly to take students out of crime life and give them an alternative and not about the music most of the time. Therefore, mainly NGO’s seek funding to give poor kids an alternative to crime life. But, the music they make is not usually good because the people teaching the music don’t know how to make music themselves.

At minimum, the acknowledgement by the government that hip-hop is a culture point of Brazil is symbolic. Because popular hip-hop music in Brazil offers messages that engage race and discrimination, public and government recognition of the music can constantly encourage debate of these issues.

Check this out. "Favela Rising":

Ending Violence without Ending Violence?

Yay! Today I was able to speak with someone who works directly on my project. We met with Congress person Claudete Alves, one of four women on Sao Paulo’s city council and the only Black woman (and the first in four-hundred years). Since my work examines police violence, women’s police stations and anti-violence against women movements, meeting with Claudete was very important. Her narrative confirmed many of suspicions, yet, I was surprised by one of major differences between the US and Brazil. In the US, incarcerated people are disproportionately Black, Latino or Indigenous, however, most of the imprisoned men in Brazil are mixed race people. I assumed that the majority of imprisoned people in Brazil would be the same people who are denied access to resources. They are not Black, however, because as Alves said, when it comes to young Black men, “cops shoot to kill.” In fact, it is only after they have been killed that police check ID’s to see if these young men were their intended targets, Alves noted. One of the members of Afro Reggae organization corroborated this practically axiomatic position by saying, “if you are poor, Black, male and over 25 in Brazil, you are a survivor.” However, the vast majority of women prisoners are Black women, whom the police treat less harshly than Black men, but are subject to numerous forms of racialized state violence. This is a position worth investigated tomorrow with the Geledes organization.

After explaining the racism and cruelty of the police in Brazil, I asked Alves how many men are imprisoned for committing violence against women vis-à-vis the women’s police stations (which all-women stations that prosecute violence against women). In response, she explained her work to implement the Maria de Pena law, aimed at protecting women from violence. While I was excited to here the evolution of this law, I am still left wondering how using the police, whom commit such atrocious violence against Black communities, can protect Black women from violence. During our fortuitous luncheon with Alves and an attorney comrade, one of my initial assumptions was confirmed. She said that aside from this one case, she could not think of any other violence against women cases that have even been prosecuted, akin to Black police stations where no white person has ever been convicted for committing racism, an illegal act in Brazil. After I asked her if Black women use these police stations she answered with a resounding “no.” They don’t use them, she postulated, because they view the police as hostile and because they think that the police will not listen to them.

If Black women are not using women’s police stations, then how can they be seen as a medium to end violence against women? What underlying ideologies legitimize the antiviolence against women movement’s use of these stations if only white women are using them? What other remedies might be used? We must imagine alternative ways to address violence – if we really want it to end it.

US Politics in Brazil

Today we met with Sao Paolo Councilwoman, Claudette Alves, the only black woman to serve as a councilwoman in 450 years of Brazilian history. Mrs. Alves was an inspiration to many women in our group. As we sat at lunch with her discussing her perspectives of the black experience in Brazil, from her own experiences of torture as the only black student in her school, to the strength of the black hip hop movement in Brazil, our conversation inevitably turned to the upcoming election in the US and the question that seems to be on the minds of almost every person we have met since arriving in Brazil 10 days ago – what do we think of Barack Obama.

Interestingly, as I sat down to write this blog tonight, I opened my Internet to MSN.com and found an article discussing the affirmative action debate in the US and implications of having both a female and an African American vying for the presidential race. The article explained the “basics” of the affirmative action debate, citing Ward Connerly’s campaign to end affirmative action as part of his self-described “civil rights initiative”. It went on to mention one of his leading anti-affirmative action claims right now, that the struggle between a man of color and a woman as our nations leader shows that affirmative action is unnecessary to “compensate for institutional racism and institutional sexism.”

Whether visiting with the head of Olodum or Criola, or sitting over lunch with a council member of Sao Paolo, one of the most asked questions we have been given is our impressions over Barack Obama and the implications his election might have on both the US and the rest of the world. Councilwoman Alves shared with us her own thoughts on the implications of electing Barack Obama. She stated that whether or not he became the first black president in the US, his presence on the ballot and among the American people could not be denied. Councilwoman Alves shared with us her thoughts on Barack Obama, stating her belief that his election could lead to a tremendous change for our country. She believed that his election would change the way the rest of the world viewed Americans – that we know longer would be viewed as isolated elitists.
Many of the organizations we have met with have shown their enthusiasm over the potential of the first black president in the United States. As councilwoman Alves stated, the election of Barack Obama would have international implications, which she believes would be extremely positive. Other NGO leaders as well as University students have shown their excitement and wonder over Barack Obama. On a global scale, he has become a symbol of hope and promise for change within the United States. In Brazil, where many people believe that racism doesn’t exist or isn’t as bad in the United States, it seems as if they look at Barack Obama as a representation of where their own affirmative action programs may take him. For Councilwoman Alves and so many others here, Obama is a part of the beginning of what affirmative action programs might lead to – not a sign that racism has been cured and should be ended.

Favela Tours?

As I was jogging down the beach in Rio de Janiero, I saw several safari jeeps filled with white passengers and Black drivers. Was this one of the popular favela tours? I cannot be sure, but it was my inclination that they were headed to the nearest favela to experience an “illuminating view of the real Rio.” There are several popular tours that tourists can participate in to experience the favelas. That morning I was on my way to spend the day with AfroReggae and learn more about the social justice project this non-governmental organization promotes. Although I too was going to tour the favelas with this organization, I was seriously conflicted about the fact that others were going on tours that essentially seemed like a safari or a trip to the zoo. Their experience in no way could convey the role of slavery and the lack of a Reconstruction to provide social inclusion policies in the development of the favelas. I also do not think that the participants could fully understand the sense of community present in this complex environment.

During my time with the NGO I was able to gain a better understanding of the complexities of the favelas. However, I think that this was possible because of the background that I brought to the project as CRS student. I began the day with the understanding that there are many ways in which the laws works racialize society. It was this understanding that helped me to realize how a community that has been systematically disenfranchised by the state can rely on drug lords to pay for their prescription and hospital bills and plan parties for the holidays.

Knowing that many tourists were coming though these communities simply viewing the extreme poverty and at the time that they visited, during the hours that most adults are working outside of the favela, desolation made me uncomfortable and frustrated. I was uncomfortable with the thought of the tourists driving through an extremely poor community of color in their air conditioned vans. I was also frustrated by the fact that they were unable to experience the community building that is going on in these communities and the history behind their development. Although, I have no doubt that the tourists will never forget the images that they saw on the tour, I worry that it will reinforce the stereotypes of people of color. I hope that sharing my experience will further the understanding of these communities and the need to continue the fight for social inclusion.

Music, Consciousness of Racial Oppression, and Happiness

Today at CEERT, the Research Center on Labor Relations and Inequalities, Dr. Maria Aparecida Silva Bento taught us a lot about racial discrimination in Brazil and how to hold corporations accountable for fair hiring practices. One of the challenges she raised at the end of the of our group conversation was talking to kids about racism and discrimination because it is so powerful that these discussions “take away their happiness.” She stated that teaching Afro-Brazilian kids about racism makes their lives more difficult than just acknowledging discrimination based on class. This theme of class discrimination being more palatable than racism has been a central explanation for the appeal of racial democracy. Dr. Bento then raised the question of how to talk about this topic without taking away kids’ happiness.

This challenge is the space in which I think Black music and art can play a vital role in raising consciousness about, and fighting, racism. I have visited with Olodum, AfroReggae, and members of the Brazilian hip hop movement, all of which use music to confront and change the oppression of Afro-Brazilians. The kids in the favelas at Afro-Reggae were completely immersed in the joy, focus, and excitement of their performances and practices. Similarly, Francisco, who I wrote about in my last blog, identified hip hop as the impetus for him talking about racism and even attending a university. He spoke about hip hop with such passion and stated that fighting racism is now part of his life because he can do it through this music.

Finally, Joao Jorge Santos Rodrigues, the director of Olodum, views music, culture, and identity as the primary ways in which Afro-Brazilians can challenge the government’s racist policies and practices. He stated that because the powerful elite and the state have not funded Black music, it has no control over it. This music, Rodrigues stated, is “our energy for freedom.” This combination of the independence of Black music, the way it helps young Afro-Brazilians create joy and confidence in themselves, and the music’s race conscious content create a fertile environment for teaching kids about racism while increasing, rather than decreasing their happiness.

You Can’t Fix What Ain’t Broke

            Today we met with the organization CEERT, or The Center on Labor Relations & Inequalities, which works to promote racial inequality in Brazil.  The organization has over 17 years of experience specializing in racial justice and participating actively in the fight for rights of Afro-Brazilians.  The myth of racial democracy came up, as it usually does, and in our discussion we shared how in our interactions with people they would admit to there being racial discrimination, but nothing more.  Another way of framing this issue (by way of my mother) is in terms of codependency.  Although codependency is usually defined in terms of an unhealthy dependence on a person with a physical or psychological addiction, the system of codependency can be applied to the Brazilian myth of racial democracy as the system of racial inequality exists as a result of the unhealthy dependence on the idea of “we are all just Brazilian.”  Codependency usually develops through living in systems with rules that hinder development, and such system has been developed in response to some problem.  The problem in Brazil has been the failure to unravel the discourse of racial democracy, and instead depending on it as an ideal, and defining discrimination in other ways. 

            How do we stop the dependency on this ideal as a way to excuse away the fact of racism?  The dependency on the “ideal” comes from both Afro-Brazilian who resist the idea of being deemed as oppressed, and from white Brazilians who don’t want to see themselves as oppressors.  This is not to say that there has not been considerable movement away from the myth of racial democracy, even in just the past week we have witnessed strong resistance to the idea of a non-racial culture.  In a previous blog I introduced the idea of implementing a dream, but I find it difficult for this implementation to manifest into a reality unless there is less of a dependency on a false idea of racial democracy, an understanding of the ways in which racial discrimination works systematically, and a true effort on the part of all towards change.  

Racing to Class

Throughout our time in Brazil, we have heard that the most common argument against race based affirmative action is that the problems faced by Afro-Brazilians are problems of class, not race. Over and over again, this argument has been redeployed. It is based on the myth of racial democracy, which claims that racism does not exist in Brazil.

Racial democracy is a powerful and alluring message. It reifies the dream of living in a world void of discrimination and difference, a place where we are all brothers and sisters. I believe that we aspire for this dream. Unfortunately, this utopia is nothing more than a dream. Brazil, not unlike the United States, is a nation filled with racism.

Why is class based discrimination more palatable? Discrimination is discrimination, is it not? I’m not entirely sure as to the answer. Is it because class discrimination is seen as easier to remedy? Is it social mobility, which allows for the possibility of lower class individuals to rise to the higher classes? Or is it the invidious nature of racism and the fact that, unlike class, race cannot be changed during one’s lifetime (I admit this is not entirely true)? Maybe we see class discrimination as natural or institutionalized, thus not resulting from individual action or behavior?

Whatever the reason, it is clear that many people in Brazil refuse to acknowledge the racial problems. Although groups of activists have strengthened calls for a dialogue on race and racism, these calls often fall on deaf ears. We can see similar occurrences in the U.S. In response to Senator Barack Obama’s recent speech incorporating race, Patrick Buchanan expressed disgust at any acknowledgment of racism in the U.S. targeting blacks. “America has been the best country on earth for black folks,” Buchanan asserts right before dismissing the brutality of slavery as fair compensation for being introduced to “Christian salvation.” Basically, Buchanan denies racism in American (well, not all racism, as he whines about anti-white discrimination in the form of affirmative action.) His arguments are extreme and thus difficult to take seriously, but they illustrate the violently adverse reactions discussing racism invokes. The question remains, what is it about race that prevents us from having a mature discussion?

Another curious aspect of racism is the incentive to deny its existence and the strength of that denial. To claim that racism exists means to accuse somebody of being racist, which may be uncomfortable and increase tension. Even the victims of racism often search for some other explanation, possibly because they do not want to admit that the racial democracy they had believed in was nothing more than a seductive illusion.

"You discriminate because you are white!"

Today I wanted to write about a particular experience that I think says a lot, and certainly means a lot to me. Yesterday, while getting out of the taxi in the middle of the historic center of Salvador de Bahia, I noticed a child who appeared to be homeless, begging for money. I was in the same cab as a few other people, and Almuhtada exited the cab before I did, as soon as he exited the cab, the kid asked him for change, Almuhtada said no, and the kid moved on to me. Now, I would like to disclaim that I often give money to those who ask for it, I know that my money could be better donated in other ways, but there is something about someone looking me in the eye and asking me that is difficult for me to refuse. If I have change I will give it, the only times I won’t are when I am in a new place or there are too many people around or I feel uncomfortable for one reason or another… With that being said, this kid, who must have been somewhere between 8-12 years old, looked at me after I said no, and said, “Puta madre!” Which literally translates to “Your mom’s a whore.” Everyone around me laughed, except Julia who looked shocked. Growing up in LA, I understood what the kid was saying, but ignored his insult and just walked on. After a couple of minutes of haggling others, he walked up to me and started talking some more. He pointed to Almuhtada’s arm and said something about “Negro” he then pointed to me and said something about “discriminação” which I figured must have meant discrimination. This time people laughed, but the tone was a little more serious, and people didn’t laugh as much. Julia was actually speechless for a moment, and then translated what the kid had said to me… “He’s ok because he is black (referring to Almuhtada), but you, you discriminate against me because you are white!” Julia said that she had never heard anything like this before in Brazil.

I wanted to write about this because I would lie if I said that it had not affected me. I still joke about the incident with people, when things suck, it makes me feel better to joke about them sometimes, but what had happened, if I let myself really consider it, was more moving than something that I could just write off through jokes and smiles. People have always considered me white. I think race sometimes is more about what other’s consider you than what you consider yourself. I am half Persian, half Hungarian, and have always seen myself as just that. Not really fitting in with Americans because of my foreign background, but not typically discriminated against because of how I look. I would lie if I said that I was heavily discriminated against because of my foreign name either, because growing up in Culver City (considered to be one of the most diverse high-school’s in the country) people were used to names that did not sound like the norm. But this blog isn’t about how I have been discriminated against as much as it is about how I have discriminated myself. Everyone discriminates. But not everyone is what I would call a discriminator, I would like to think that I am not someone who fits into that category, but making sure I am not is something that I have to constantly be on the look out for. I definitely recognize the privilege that I have received because of how others perceive me, by receiving that privilege, from how I am perceived in conversation to how I am received in a restaurant or store, I am taking advantage of my white privilege, and everyone who takes advantage of that privilege without considering its costs and realizing its existence, is not part of the solution. I think that people who are considered white need to be constantly vigilant about the affect of their perceived race on the world. When people tell me that I am discriminatory because I am white, I need to remind myself that if I do not remain vigilant about the effects of my whiteness, then I will become discriminatory. Racism is always around the corner, I dread being the white guy who doesn’t get it.

The Problem With Pre-Vestibular Loans

Yesterday I had a chance to ask Afro-Brazilian students from the University of Bahia how they prepared for the vestibular and how they supported themselves while they studied. The students all told me that they took a free pre-vestibular course. Just like the students at the State University of Rio de Janeiro, these students told me that they had to work to support themselves while they studied. Some students taught pre-vestibular courses so their jobs complemented their vestibular preparation, but the majority of students worked in low paying jobs that did not help them prepare for the exam. Almost all agreed that having to work reduced the time and energy they had to study and prevented them from attaining their best vestibular score.

To me, the answer to such a problem seemed simple: the students should borrow money to prepare for the exam and then pay the creditor after graduating university. The loan would free students from work and give students time and energy to prepare for the exam. Ideally, students would attain higher scores, enter prestigious professions and pay off this debt with their large salaries.

When I pitched this idea to the students, however, all of them told me that they would not want to take a loan to study for the vestibular. The students explained that they would not want to take the loan because it is hard to pass the vestibular exam, and there is no guarantee that they would pass the exam simply because they decided to study for and take the exam. If they did not pass the exam, then they would be in a worse position than they were in before because they would have to pay back a loan with the low salary from a high school level job. Furthermore, they explained, even if they felt confident that they could pass the vestibular, they would still be reluctant to take a loan because the chances of attaining a good job after university graduation are slim. As before, they do not want to have to pay back a loan with a low paying job.

The students responses lead me to believe that there are large structural differences between Brazil and the U.S that make Brazilian students much less eager to take education loans than American students. The fact that these structural differences prevent Afro-Brazilian students from taking loans and attaining the same amount of time, energy and resources to study for the vestibular as their white classmates reinforces the need for race-based affirmative action programs in universities. It is only through these programs that universities can level the playing field for Afro-Brazilian students and account for the disadvantages Afro-Brazilian students currently face.

Class?

The head of Olodum, an Afro-Brazilian association, highlighting heritage and Black pride through music, dance theater and art, made some interesting points about Brazil last night. He said that within one country, there is an elite class with access to the same resources and luxuries as the elite in the US or Europe and there is a poor class that is comparable to any in the 3rd world, lacking basic necessities and constitutional rights. The country develops space shuttles – yet within its borders an enormous proportion of the population does not have access to basic healthcare, immunizations and food.

As I reflected about our meeting last night, I thought about the profound irony that not only are these two worlds juxtaposed with each other, they sit one on top of the other; living side by side. The elite in Brazil complain about crime, there is constant fear of being robbed, yet they vigorously defend the idea that the problem is not race, but class. The wealthy young claim fears of riding the public bus because of the likelihood of being robbed, Julia has recounted stories of her sister being robbed at knife point by children as young as 5 and family friends being kidnapped for ransom, young children stand outside of ATM’s or run up to unsuspecting tourists getting out of taxi’s in the hopes that a stranger will toss them a few coins. Even on the uber-elite streets of Ipanema or Leblon, one is not immune to the poverty.

In the United States, many live in conditions akin to the poor in Brazil, the numbers of people living in these conditions are not nearly as high – more importantly though, in the US it seems much easier to hide from the poor. Living in Beverly Hills, Malibu or Newport Beach, rich, white America can easily forget – or at least ignore – what goes on in the rest of the world. Get on the 10, the 105 or the 101 and bypass those neighborhoods that you don’t want your kids walking in at night.

I’m writing this blog and I find that I am having difficulty articulating the questions I have. It seems so simple to want your children to grow up in a safe place, or to create a home where you can live without fear – I wanted to ask this question and I realized that the answer is not as simple as my mind wanted it to be. We have been here for one week and as we sit in our nightly meetings I realize that understanding these questions are further from me than I believed them to be from my classroom at UCLA.

Talking about race: Um, you first

On day two here in Brazil, we attended a seminar at Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro (PUC-RIO). There, Professor John Stanfield of Indiana University led a conversation about race, racism, and racialism. He described the following three terms:

1) Race - A false, perfect correllation between real or imagined physical qualities and social & cultural attributes (i.e. intellectual abilities, moral fiber, reading ability, dancing ability). The imagined part is important because it is contructed in our heads too. Race is also how we feel and how climates and environments are constructed (i.e. race related to heart problems and diabetes).

2) Racism - How to use false correllation for distributing power.

3) Racialism - Rarely do we have policies dealing with racialism. One does not have to be a racist to be a racialist. (vague description by Prof. Stanfield)

Prof. Stanfied went on to say that we can’t predict anything based on what someone looks like. A Brazilian woman, who studied in the U.S., followed with some very interesting comments about how race is constructed in Brazil. She talked about how Brazil’s different societal history makes its conversation on race different from that in the U.S. She explained that Brazilian officials determine and assign an individual’s race, which differs from the U.S.’s one-drop rule and box checking system.

Later, in Salvador, Bahia, we met with CEAFRO, an Afro-Brazilian community-based educataional initiative associated with the Federal University of Bahia. There, a young lady discussed standing up for Afro-Brazilians while being the only one in her class. She demanded that the white students would not participate in racist talk when she was around. She instantly gained the respect of her entire class, and students would ask her permission to talk about race.

I find it interesting that groups in Brazil and the U.S. are calling for discussions on race at the same time and that both requests are being denied or ignored by elites in power whose interests are promoted by the status quo. Senator Barack Obama’s recent speech encouraged the U.S. to break its ‘racial stalemate’. The speech will likely be looked to as a milestone in measuring racial progress for future generations in the U.S. I think it is important to constantly compare racial progress in both countries and share information among social movements. This is why I really appreciate being a part of the Global Affirmative Action Praxis Project.

What are your impressions of Senator Obama's speech?

Race, Health Care, Disability, and Incarceration

While I was on the airplane I met a young white woman who was in her second year of law school. During our discussion about affirmative action – where I was gently defending and she was softly opposing – she utilized many stock arguments commonly used against affirmative action in the US and in Brazil (as articulated by Joao Jorge Santos Rodrigues at the Olodum organization). However, I was most intrigued by the way she understood Brazil’s universal health care system. I noticed that many Brazilian people have a circular scar on their right upper arm and I asked her what this was. She responded that it was a vaccination. Because I have been thinking about Black people’s access to “universal” health care, I asked if everyone gets this vaccination. She responded with a quick “yes.” Is this true? While there is universal health care and a specifically Black health care policy in Brazil, I have been told by numerous organizations that Black communities, especially in the favellas, cannot access them. They suggest that this is because people in positions of power are not implementing health care policies due to institutionalized racism.

What comparisons can be made between race, public health, incarceration, and intersectional remedies in Brazil and in the US? While touring the city of Bahia, I was especially struck by how many people on the street who were asking for food were not only Black but were persons with severe disabilities. While I am aware that disabled people become homeless in the US either because of surviving on the street or as a result of being war veterans with insufficient health care, for some reason the disabilities of the Afro Brazilian men and women seemed different. They were bodily disfigurations like I had never seen. At the risk of committing further violence by describing and sensationalizing them, I will simply postulate one cause for such disability, though based in intuition rather than evidence. I feel as if these disfigurations are a result of long-term neglect and living in poverty without any access to health care. Like it is for poor communities in the US, when living without access to preventative health care, people ignore or self-medicate serious health issues. However, during different periods of affirmative action type laws in the US (like the American Disabilities Act) people have had access to health care, albeit insufficient. If this comparison is valid, how does having a disability lead to incarceration differently in Brazil? In the US, having a disability and being homeless is directly related to imprisonment. Whether it is because a homeless disabled person is unable to perform some jobs due to physical or mental disability, they do not have an address to put on applications or clean clothes for a job interview, or because they are forced into committing crimes of survival on the street, both being homeless and being disabled can lead to incarceration. How does this analysis hold up in Brazil?

Specifically, how does lack of health care and the failure to implement the Black health care plan lead to imprisonment? Tomorrow I am very excited to meet with Black women’s health organizations and to learn what issues they address and which strategies they use to combat these inequitable social conditions that, in the US, can lead to imprisonment.

"Hip hop made me realize I could go to university"

Today in Salvador we all met with a large group of activists, professors and students who advocate for affirmative action and teach classes that combine Afro-Brazilian culture with preparation for the vestibular exam (the extensive test required to get into any university). The conversation was interesting and inspirational in many ways, but the most relevant part for my project were the comments of Francisco, a student at the Federal University of Bahia. He directly connected his involvement in hip hop to his entrance into university. One of the questions I am researching is whether hip hop music challenges the idea of racial democracy and if it can influence support for affirmative action. In Francisco’s case, it did both. He stated that before he got involved in hip hop he rarely expressed his views about racial inequality or affirmative action. Hip hop changed that for him. Brazilian hip hop culture influenced Francisco’s racial politics and inspired him to become more involved in activism around affirmative action. From what I have learned here so far, Brazil has a large component of hip hop that is heavily intertwined with grassroots progressive activism.

Many artists in Brazil use hip hop to get youth more involved in learning, to encourage kids’ interests in college and taking community vestibular preparation courses, and to become part of a movement for Afro-Brazilian identity and racial justice. Many of the students at this meeting today stated that this identity and consciousness (whether it comes from hip hop or somewhere else) allows them to view themselves as part of a community with support rather than as an individual struggling on his or her own against white normalcy and power. Francisco stated that many artists in Brazil are involved with community organizations and have no hope of making any money from their music; rather, the main purpose of engaging in hip hop is to be part of a movement for social justice that draws in kids because they are already attracted to hip hop’s images and sounds. While there are a lot of hip hop artists in the U.S. who have progressive lyrics, it seems that there is a more significant portion of Brazilian artists who truly see their music as connected to racial justice, and who put these ideas into practice through working directly with education and activities in their communities. We are off to Sao Paulo tomorrow, where I will interview more people directly involved in hip hop full time – it will be interesting to see how their perspectives and activities fit into this paradigm.

The Implementation of the Dream

We visited with the organization CEAFRO today in Salvador.  CEAFRO is a community-based organization that has an extension program through the Federal University of Bahia.  Over a three-hour meeting, we spoke with five quotistas who went through the CEAFRO program, and also spoke with a representative from the Cultural Institute of Steven Biko.  The two organizations do amazing work to give Afro-Brazilians access to education through different programs that offer pre-vestibular training and fellowship assistance to students to make it possible for them to finish their studies at the university.  Not only are the programs successful at increasing the representation of Afro-Brazilians at the university level, but most importantly “they have implemented a dream.”  The implementation of a dream was something that everyone at the meeting continually reinforced as one of the most important accomplishments of these programs.  Not only are these programs benefiting the Afro-Brazilian youth of the favelas, but the families and friends of these students have also begun to participate in the programs, getting pre-vestibular training and going to back to school.  The director of CEAFRO told us that these programs were working for Afro-Brazilians on various levels, giving them a chance to reclaim that which are and have been denied.  I reflected on this idea of providing the Afro-Brazilian community with a dream and in relaying this back to the United States, I feel like providing a dream is an extremely important part of the work.  Like the Afro-Brazilian youth in Brazil, minority youth in the U.S. are systematically discouraged from continuing their education after high school.  At least in the Los Angeles public school system, the high schools located in lower socio-economic areas are overcrowded and students aren’t required to take the minimum curriculum that is required for admission to a public university.  Arguments against affirmative action fail to recognize this type of systematic discrimination, and furthermore, when they do the problem is reduced to one of class, again failing to recognize the systematic discrimination that works to keep minorities in these lower socio-economic communities. 

Latin@ in Brazil

It has been quite an adventure to notice how people perceive my racial identity here in Brazil. I came prepared to experience the privilege of whiteness, ready to see what all the hype is about. I wondered how I would react or if I would be treated differently than Almuhtada. I pictured myself getting upset or making it known that I too was a person of color. Although I don’t feel like a white person and people don’t perceive me that way, I feel that at times I have been treated very differently in Brazil than I would in the U.S. When riding home in a taxi a few days ago, the driver, knowing that I was American felt comfortable enough with me to tell me about the neighborhood where he lives and how clean and nice and “white” it is. This would have never happened in the U.S. The driver clearly thought that I would identify whiteness with a better neighborhood, however, I really couldn’t believe that he told this to me, a Latina!

However, on several other occasions I have been mistaken for Brazilian. Now that I have spent one week here I am beginning to understand the privilege of the majority. I feel at ease, included, and beautiful; just like another Brazilian (of course until someone hears my broken Portuguese/Spanish/English). I like that I don’t get charged the inflated tourists prices and people feel comfortable talking to me, despite my inability to fully understand them. However, this too leaves me feeling uneasy, guilty that I am taking advantage of the situation. Is this how people feel when they check the box or choose to identify as a person of color? I propose no answers, just questions that I will continue to think about with the new experiences to come...

Wearing Their Degrees on Their Sleeves

As we were walking through a tourist center of Salvador, I noticed a military police officer. The ubiquitous military police, it should be noted, purportedly serves as a preventative force, while the civil police investigates crimes already committed. Now, seeing a military police officer should not surprise anybody, but this officer was an anomaly. She was a young female, the only female officer I have seen thus far. However, being Afro-Brazilian (as far as my foreign conception of race was concerned), she fit the racial profile of most officers I have seen. Unlike most occupations with any sort of prestige, Afro-Brazilians make a large proportion of the military police force, largely because rich, white Brazilians do not aspire to such positions.

Julia and I approached her, and, wearing braces in her mouth and a tourism badge on her uniform, she responded with great civility. We asked her the meaning of the tourism badge. She told us that the patches on her uniform represented the different degrees she had received at university, as well as other awards. Thus, having received a degree in tourism, she displayed it on her uniform. She told us that it was quite common for officers to hold university degrees. Her older, male colleague remarked that his uniform lacked enough space to display all of his badges. Her answer surprised me; why would somebody with a university degree ever choose to join the military police?

I figured the reasons included wages and career opportunities. Wrong. Although I never asked about the wages (I was later told that the wages are actually quite low), her position afforded no prospect of advancement. However, she did claim that the work experience, and the military police’s positive reputation, allowed her to find a position outside of the force. (I have serious doubt about the reputation claim, as this was only the second positive comment I have heard regarding the military police.)

Hours later, I remained unsatisfied with her answer; it just did not appear to provide enough of an incentive to join the force after receiving a university education. I made a few assumptions, and I believe these assumptions may highlight some of the obstacles hindering Afro-Brazilians and the arguments for affirmative action. It is possible that these individuals obtained their degrees but then were unable to find employment, a problem facing Afro-Brazilian I have heard repeatedly. It is also possible that she was unable to attend a prestigious, public university. Earning a degree from a university lacking prestige may result in employers viewing the degree as substandard and refusing to hire its holder. Combine the issue of race and academic prestige and you will see how hurdles quickly compound, effectively precluding Afro-Brazilians from opportunities and careers available to rich, white Brazilians and forcing them down certain avenues.

random observations

Today I wanted to talk about a couple of our experiences on this trip that I haven’t gotten a chance to write about, yet feel as though they relate to my project in one way or another – they are from different points during our trip so far so have no chronological order to them. I want to start with a discussion that I had with Julia in the car between interviews a couple of days ago. Julia told me that there are 27 states in Brazil, each with their own federal and state universities. In many of these states, there are private schools that are actually better and more prestigious than their public school counterparts. Julia also told me that public universities seem to be losing funding as of late (must be a global phenomenon!) and that this is mostly a very scary thought. I asked her why the public universities get the best faculty, she said that it is all about prestige, and that private universities actually typically pay the most money. She also told me that it is her belief that it is quite possible that within 20 to 30 years private schools will be equal to or better than public schools. I asked if this could be a good thing because it means that the quality of education is spread out and therefore more accessible to everyone, but she said that she fears that once the public school foundation and leadership goes away, it is possible that education can actually drop for everyone.

Another experience I haven’t written about yet, but feel as though I learned a lot from, is the visit to the organization that discussed the afro-Brazilian religions and Tajenos. These Tajenos actually have community schools in Salvador, and at least one of them is considered prestigious (even if it is just an elementary school). This is important to me because it is one of the first instances where there is a direct link between afro-Brazilian involvement in education, and a simultaneous coexistence of prestige. They also mentioned how some are working on how black culture can influence education, which tries to emphasize the influence that afro-Brazilian culture has on the rest of society. There are even some laws that mandate the education of afro-Brazilian culture, but not a whole lot of implementation of these laws.

This started to get me thinking about actual solutions to some of the problems that my project proposes, which is nice, because up until now, much of what I have been doing is just finding problems and analyzing them. If my project is about working on the role that perceptions of diversity and prestige play in access to education, then the follow up would be to consider ways in which we might influence perceptions of prestige and diversity in order to increase access. In the US my goal is to do influence perceptions of prestige by changing the criteria with which US News and World Report decides to rank schools, and asking them to take diversity into consideration. In Brazil, one thing that they are doing is mandating the education of afro-Brazilian culture and its influence. Growing up in public schools in the US, I know that our exposure to minority culture and its influence is very limited and superficial. Increasing the influence of these cultures in our public educational system is something that I know has been worked on in the past, but something that I have a renowned respect for now that I understand how it can increase access to higher education as well.

Gentrification and the Comparative Context

I am so grateful for today’s visit to the historic center of the predominately Afro Brazilian city of Bahia. While our academic and legal work here is stimulating, this sort of cultural work is very important because it teaches us about the powerful history of the area and informs our understanding of how race, gender, and class relations order public life in Brazil. After two cups of Brazilian café and an equally ‘zippy’ taxi ride, we arrived in the colonial center where Julia, our friend and Brazilian liaison and coordinator, gave us a great tour of the area. Not only is Julia a pleasure and not only does she know the most exciting places to visit, but the history she provides for us is extremely helpful because it is informed by her critical intersectional analysis.

I was especially struck by her analysis of race and urban 'planning' in Bahia because it reminded me of a similar way in which racial power has been consolidated in Los Angeles and throughout American colonial history vis-à-vis race and class. After taking pictures of a beautiful church and colorful Portuguese colonial architecture, Julia informed us that this area used to be predominately Black and that its inhabitants were forced to relocate in order to ‘restore’ the area. However, once the paint began to chip from the buildings walls, the area’s new upwardly mobile residents left in search of more lavish living arrangements. Due to changing arrangements of global capitalism and expansion of Brazilian tourism, the economic void left by the wealthy residents was quickly filled by turning the area into a tourist hub. My first thought was, ‘Wow sounds a lot like downtown Los Angeles.” Here, poor Black and Latin@ residents are slowly being pushed out of their communities due to gentrification, where rents are increased and dilapidated apartment buildings are condemned and torn down in trade build equity producing loft-style apartments, corporate office buildings, and large luxury hotels. This analogy might be pushed further because in both cases such lavish elite-servicing industries are located adjacent to communities in destitute poverty.

What can be learned from this similar cross contextual juxtaposition? How might race and class based consistencies in ‘urban renewal projects’ be used to support affirmative action for poor communities of color in both contexts? Access to clean and safe housing is a human right that should be viewed as furthering – rather than limiting – national development.

Observations on the Young

In his book “Amazing Grace”, Jonathon Kozel is consistently inspired by the community’s children and how they are able to endure despite the poverty they are subject to on a daily basis. At one point he says:

“Despite its racial isolation and the destitution of its children, nonetheless, [public school] 65 is still sometimes a cheerful place in certain ways. The atrophy of childhood by physical and spiritual night…has not yet destroyed the playfulness and trusting innocence of many of the younger children, who may not yet be aware of what is happening to them. Even in the older grades, some of the children do not seem to lose their willingness to trust. It is at the secondary level – in junior high and more dramatically in high school – that the sense of human ruin on a vast scale becomes unmistakable.”

Watching the children in Brazil, whether in the public high school we visited, walking the streets of Rio de Janeiro or on the beaches in Bahia, I can’t help but be inspired with the shining smiles, exuberance and vitality of this nations youth. Yesterday a small boy approached us at lunch and asked for money. We gave him a couple reis and prepared to leave. Smiling up at us he motioned for us to give him more. His irresistable smile won us over and we ended up giving him the rest of what we had (equivalent to about $6 US). When we walked out of the restaurant we saw him counting his money before heading off down the street skipping and dancing. Sitting with a room full of high school students you could feel their excitement about having us there with them as well as the trusting way they opened up to us to share their experiences. And at this school, Kozel’s analysis of the “sense of human ruin” did not seem readily discernable. To be fair, we were told that this was considered a good public school in Rio and its students seemed to be part of a lower middle class as opposed to extremely poor, for example, many of the students had parents who worked as doormen, janitors and other members of the service industry. Though they lived in favelas, we have been told that they did not represent the poorest members of the community. Though the differences between their private school counterparts were unmistakable, I’ve found myself curious to visit other public schools – to explore the differences between the students we visited and those who are part of an even lower socioeconomic class to compare the differences. We were told that we would visit another high school in Sao Paolo at which point I’m curious to make further comparisons not only between the US and Brazil, but also within the public school system of Brazil itself.

Language Barriers: Voce fala Ingles?

Today, we visited Pelourinho (Old Historic Center), Salvador. After our trip coordinator Julia explained how slaves had built many of the churches and buildings in the area, we entered Igreja de Sao Francisco, one of the most historically rich and elite churches there. A tour guide began to show us around the church, with all of its silver and gold trimmings. I asked Julia to ask the tour guide if slaves had built the church. He immediately got defensive and, according to Julia’s translation, said, “no, no, slaves did not build this one, this is a private church, blah blah.” Unfortunately he neglected to explain who actually built the church. Julia and I were not convinced. Was it the rich people who got down & dirty to build their own glamorous church? I immediately told the group that I did not want to hear or have anything that guy said translated to me from that point on. We all discontinued the tour and went our separate ways. His body language, defensiveness, and vague explanation turned me off. Were it not for the language barrier, I would have been able to engage the situation much better.

The other day we attended a seminar at Programa Politicas da Cor – Universidade Estadual do Rio de Janeiro (PPCOR-UERJ). At the seminar, an activist spoke of the impact black music and movements of the late 1960s and 70s in the U.S. had on Afro-Brazilians. He explained how the black nationalist movement and artists like James Brown reframed black identity with lyrics like, “I’m black and I’m proud!”. The symbols, including afro hair styles, Afrocentric dress, and proactive behavior, influenced Afro-Brazilians at a time where there was no progressive race based social policy in Brazil. However, the impact was limited because the language barrier prevented Afro-Brazilians from understanding what blacks in America were saying.

With that said, I am frustrated with my inability to effectively communicate with people here in Brazil (although I have come a long way with my Portuguese!). I feel that language barriers can sometimes handicap social movements, prevent people from uniting, and limit how much they cooperate. These events have made me realize how important it is for Americans, specifically African Americans, to learn foreign languages in an effort to advance progressive social movements.